I. THE DATE OF THE DEATH OF HYGELAC. · Part 2

1912 CHAMBERS, R. W. Six thirteenth century drawings illustrating the story of Offa and of Thryth (Drida) from _MS Cotton Nero D. I._ London, _privately printed_.

1913 ++FAHLBECK, P. Beowulfskvaedet som kaella foer nordisk fornhistoria. (Stockholm, _N. F. K. Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets Akademiens Handlingar_, 13, 3.) Review: Klaeber, _Engl. Stud._ XLVIII, 435-7.

1913 NERMAN, B. Studier oever Svaerges hedna litteratur. Uppsala.

1913 NERMAN, B. Vilka konungar ligga i Uppsala hoegar? Uppsala.

1913 LAWRENCE, W. W. The Breca episode in Beowulf (Anniversary papers to G. L. Kittredge). Boston.

1913 SARRAZIN, G. Von Kaedmon bis Kynewulf. Berlin. Reviews: Dudley, _J. E. G. Ph._ XV, 313-17; Berendsohn, _Literaturblatt_, XXXV (1914), 386-8; Funke, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXXI, 121-33.

1913 THOMAS, P. G. Beowulf and Daniel A, _M. L. R._ VIII, 537-9. (Parallels between the two poems.)

1913 BELDEN, H. M. Onela the Scylfing and Ali the Bold, _M. L. N._ XXVIII, 149-53.

1913 STEDMAN, D. Some points of resemblance between Beowulf and the Grettla (or Grettis Saga). From the _Saga Book of the Viking Club_, London. (It should have been held unnecessary to prove the relationship yet once again.)

1913 VON SYDOW, C. W. Irisches in Beowulf[874]. (_Verhandlungen der 52 Versammlung deutscher Philologen in Marburg_, pp. 177-80.)

1913 BERENDSOHN, W. A. Drei Schichten dichterischer Gestaltung im Beowulfepos, _Muenchener Museum_, II, i, pp. 1-33.

1913 DEUTSCHBEIN, M. Beowulf der Gautenkoenig, _Festschrift fuer Lorenz Morsbach_, Halle, pp. 291-7, _Morsbachs Studien_, L. (Very important. Expresses very well, and with full working out of details, the doubts which some of us had already felt as to the historic character of the reign of Beowulf over the Geatas.)

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1913 BENARY, W. Zum Beowulf-Grendelsage, _Archiv_, CXXX, 154-5. (Graendelsm[^o]r in Siebenbuergen: see above, p. 308.)

1913 KLAEBER, F. Das Graendelsm[^o]r--eine Frage, _Archiv_, CXXXI, 427.

1913 BRATE, E. Betydelsen av ortnamnet Skaelv [cf. Scilfingas], _Namn och Bygd_, I, 102-8.

1914 MUELLER, J. Das Kulturbild des Beowulfepos. Halle. _Morsbachs Studien_, LIII. Reviews: Klaeber, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXVII, 241-4; Brunner, _Archiv_, CXXXVIII, 242-3.

1914 MOORMAN, F. W. English place-names and Teutonic Sagas, in _Essays and Studies by members of the English Association_, vol. V, pp. 75-103. (Argues that "Gilling" and other place-names in Yorkshire, point to an early colony of Scandinavian "Gautar," who may have been instrumental in introducing Scandinavian traditions into England.)

1914 OLSON, O. L. Beowulf and the Feast of Bricriu, _Mod. Phil._ XI, 407-27. (Emphasises the slight character of the parallels noted by Deutschbein.)

1914 VON SYDOW, C. W. Grendel i anglosaxiska ortnamn, in _Nordiska Ortnamn, hyllningsskrift tillaegnad Adolf Noreen_, Uppsala, pp. 160-4=_Namn och Bygd_, II. (Important).

1915 KIER, CHR. Beowulf, et Bidrag til Nordens Oldhistorie. Koebenhavn. (An elaborate and painstaking study of the historic problems of Beowulf, vitiated throughout by quite unjustifiable assumptions. See above, p. 333 _etc._) Review: Bjoerkmann, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXVII, 244-6.

1915 BRADLEY, H. The Numbered Sections in Old English Poetical MSS, _Proc. Brit. Acad._ vol. VII.

1915 LAWRENCE, W. W. Beowulf and the tragedy of Finnsburg, _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXX, 372-431. (Important. An excellent survey of the Finnsburg problems.)

1915 VAN SWERINGEN, G. F. The main ... types of men in the Germanic Hero-Sagas, _J. E. G. Ph._ XIV, 212-25.

1915-19 LINDROTH, H. Aer Sk[oa]ne de gamles Scadinavia? _Namn och Bygd_, III, 1915, 10-28. Lindroth denied that the two words are the same, and was answered by A. Kock (_A.f.n. F._ XXXIV, 1917, 71 _etc._), A. Noreen (in ++_Studier tillegn. E. Tegn['e]r_, 1918) and E. Bjoerkman ("Scedeland, Scedenig," _Namn och Bygd_, VI, 1918, 162-8). Lindroth replied ("Aero Scadinavia och Sk[oa]ne samma ord," _A.f.n. F._ XXXV, 1918, 29 _etc._, and "Skandinavien och Sk[oa]ne," _Namn och Bygd_, VI, 1918, 104-12) and was answered by Kock ("Vidare om Sk[oa]ne och Scadinavia," _A.f.n. F._ XXXVI, 74-85). Bjoerkman's discussion is the one of chief importance to students of Beowulf.

1915 KLAEBER, F. Observations on the Finn episode, _J. E. G. Ph._ XIV, 544-9.

1915 ANSCOMBE, A. Beowulf in High-Dutch saga, _Notes and Queries_, Aug. 21, 1915, pp. 133-4.

1915 BERENDSOHN, WALTER A. Die Gelage am Daenenhof zu Ehren Beowulfs, _Muenchener Museum_, III, i, 31-55.

1915-16 PIZZO, E. Zur frage der aesthetischen einheit des Beowulf, _Anglia_, XXXIX, 1-15. (Sees in Beowulf the uniform expression of the early Anglo-Saxon Christian ideal.)

1916 OLSON, O. L. The relation of the Hr['o]lfs Saga Kraka and the Bjarkar['i]mur to Beowulf. Chicago. (Olson emphasises that the monster slain by Bjarki in the _Saga_ does not attack the hall, but the cattle outside, and is therefore a different kind of monster from Grendel (p. 30). But he does not disprove the general equation of Beowulf and Bjarki: many of the most striking points of resemblance, such as the support given to Eadgils (Athils) against Onela (Ali), lie outside the scope of his study.) Review: Hollander, _J. E. G. Ph._ XVI, 147-9.

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1916 NECKEL, G. Adel und gefolgschaft, _P. B. B._ XLI, 385-436 (esp. pp. 410 ff. for social conditions in Beowulf).

1917 FLOM, G. T. Alliteration and Variation in Old Germanic name giving, _M. L. N._ XXXII, 7-17.

1917 MEAD, G. W. Widher[gh]yld of Beowulf, 2051, _M. L. N._ XXXII, 435-6. (Suggests, very reasonably, that Widher[gh]yld is the father of the young Heathobard warrior who is stirred to revenge.)

1917 AYRES, H. M. The tragedy of Hengest in Beowulf, _J. E. G. Ph._ XVI, 282-95. (See above, pp. 266-7.)

1917 AURNER, N. S. An analysis of the interpretations of the Finnsburg documents. (_Univ. of Iowa Monographs: Humanistic Studies_, I, 6.)

1917 BJOERKMAN, E. Zu ae. _Eote_, _Yte_, usw., daen. _Jyder_, "Jueten," _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXVIII, 275-80. (See above, p. 334.)

1917 ROOTH, E. G. T. Der name Grendel in der Beowulfsage, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXVIII, 335-40. (Etymologies. Grendel is the "sandman," a man-eating monster of the sea-bottom. With this, compare Panzer's interpretation of Grendel as the "earthman." See above, p. 309.)

1917 SCHUECKING, L. L. Wann entstand der Beowulf? Glossen, Zweifel und Fragen, _P. B. B._ XLII, 347-410. (Important. See above, pp. 322-32.)

1917 FOG, REGINALD. Trolden "Grendel" i Bjovulf: en hypothese, _Danske Studier_, 1917, 134-40. (Grendel is here interpreted as an infectious disease, prevalent among those who sleep in an ill-ventilated hall in a state of intoxication, but to which Beowulf, whose health has been confirmed by a recent sea-voyage, is not liable. This view is not as new as its author believes it to be, and a letter from von Holstein Rathlau is added, pointing this out. It might further have been pointed out that as early as 1879 Grendel was explained as the malaria. Cf. the theories of Laistner, Koegel and Golther, and see above, p. 46.)

1917 NEUHAUS, J. Sillende = vetus patria = Angel, _Nordisk Tidsskrift foer Filologi_, IV. Raekke, Bd. V, 125-6; Helges Prinsesse Sv[oa]v[oa] = Eider = den svebiske Flod hos Ptolemaeos, VI, 29-32; Halfdan = Frode = Hadbardernes Konge, hvis Rige forenes med det danske, VI, 78-80; Vestgermanske Navne i dansk Historie og Sprog, 141-4. The inherent difficulty of the subject is enhanced by the obscurity of the writer's style: but much of the argument (e.g. that Halfdan and Frode are identical) is obviously based upon quite reckless conjectures. The question is complicated by political feeling: many of Neuhaus' arguments are repeated in his pamphlet, _Die Frage von Nordschleswig im Lichte der neuesten vorgeschichtlichen Untersuchungen_, Jena, 1919. His theories were vigorously refuted by G. SCHUETTE, "Urjyske 'Vestgermaner,'" _Nordisk Tidsskrift foer Filologi_, IV. Raekke, Bd. VII, 129 _etc._

1917 ++FREDBORG. Det foersta [oa]rtalet i Sveriges historia. Ume[oa].

1917 NERMAN, B. Ynglingasagan i arkeologisk belysning, _Fornvaennen_, 1917, 226-61.

1917 NERMAN, B. Ottar Vendelkr[oa]ka och Ottarshoegen i Vendel, _Upplands Fornminnesfoerenings Tidskrift_, VII, 309-34.

1917 BJOERKMAN, E. B[=e]owulf och Sveriges Historia, _Nordisk Tidskrift_, 1917, 161-79.

1917-18 ++VON SYDOW, C. W. Draken som skattevaktare, _Danmarks folkeminder_, XVII, 103 _etc._

1918 HACKENBERG, E. Die Stammtafeln der angelsaechsischen Koenigreiche, Dissertation, Berlin. (A useful collection.) Reviews: Fischer, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXXI, 73-4; Ekwall, _Engl. Stud._ LIV, 307-10; Liebemann, _D. L. Z._ 1 March, 1919.

1918 LAWRENCE, W. W. The dragon and his lair in Beowulf, _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXXIII, 547-83.

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1918 BELDEN, H. M. Beowulf 62, once more, _M. L. N._ XXXIII, 123.

1918 BELDEN, H. M. Scyld Scefing and Huck Finn, _M. L. N._ XXXIII, 315.

1918 KLAEBER, F. Concerning the relation between Exodus and Beowulf, _M. L. N._ XXXIII, 218-24.

1918 BJOERKMAN, E. B[=e]ow, B[=e]aw, und B[=e]owulf, _Engl. Stud._ LII, 145-93. (Very important. See above, p. 304.)

1918 BRANDL, A. Die Urstammtafel der Westsachsen und das Beowulf-Epos, _Archiv_, CXXXVII, 6-24. (See above, p. 200, note.)

1918 BRANDL, A. Die urstammtafel der englischen koenige, _Sitzungsberichte d. k. preuss. Akad., Phil.-Hist. Classe_, p. 5. (Five line summary only published).

1918 ++BJOERKMAN, E. B[=e]owulf-forskning och mytologi, _Finsk Tidskrift_, 151 _etc._ (Cf. _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXX, 207.)

1918 BJOERKMAN, E. Skoeldungaaettens mytiska stamfaeder, _Nordisk Tidskrift_, 163 _etc._

1918 V. UNWERTH, W. Eine schwed. Heldensage als deutsches Volksepos, _A.f.n. F._ XXXV, 113-37. (An attempt to connect the story of Hygelac and Haethcyn with the M. H. G. _Herbort [^u]z Tenelant_.)

1918 NEUHAUS, J. Om Skjold, _A.f.n. F._ XXXV, 166-72. (A dogmatic assertion of errors in Olrik's arguments in the _Heltedigtning_.)

1918 CLAUSEN, H. V. Kong Hugleik, _Danske Studier_, 137-49. (Conjectures based upon the assumption Geatas = Jutes.)

1918 ++LUND University "Festskrift" contains NORLIND, Skattsaegner; VON SYDOW, Sigurds strid med Favne.

1919 OLRIK, A. The heroic legends of Denmark translated ... and revised in collaboration with the author by Lee M. Hollander. New York. (Very important.) Review: Flom, _J. E. G. Ph._ XIX, 284-90.

1919 BJOERKMAN, E. Bedwig in den westsaechsischen genealogien, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXX, 23.

1919 BJOERKMAN, E. Zu einigen Namen im B[=e]owulf: _Breca_, _Brondingas_, _Wealhth[=e]o(w)_; _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXX, 170-80.

1919 MOGK, E. Altgermanische Spukgeschichten: Zugleich ein Beitrag zur Erklaerung der Grendelepisode im Beowulf, _Neue Jahrbuecher fuer das klass. altertum ... und deutsche literatur_, XXXIV, 103-17. (Mogk here abandons his older allegorical interpretation of Grendel as the destroying power of the sea, and sees in the Grendel-story a Germanic ghost-tale, poetically adorned.)

1919 BJOERKMAN, E. Skialf och Skilfing [edited by E. Ekwall, with a note on Bjoerkman's work], _Namn och Bygd_, VII, 163-81.

1919 LINDERHOLM, E. Vendelshoegens konunganamn i socknens 1600-tals-tradition, _Namn och Bygd_, VII, 36-40.

1919 FOG, R. Bjarkemaals "Hjalte," _Danske Studier_, 1919, 29-35. (With a letter from A. Olrik.)

1919 SEVERINSEN, P. Kong Hugleiks Doedsaar, _Danske Studier_, 1919, 96.

1920 IMELMANN, R. Forschungen zur altenglischen Poesie. (IX. Hengest u. Finn; X. _Enge [=a]npadhas, unc[=u]dh gel[=a]d_; XII. _Thr[=y]dho_; XIII. _H[=ae]thenra hyht._) Berlin. (A weighty statement of some original views).

1920 BJOERKMAN, E. Studien ueber die Eigennamen im Beowulf. Halle. _Morsbachs Studien_, LVIII. (An extremely valuable and discriminating digest. See above, p. 304.)

1920 BARTO, P. S. The _Schwanritter-Sceaf_ Myth in _Perceval le Gallois_, _J. E. G. Ph._ XIX, 190-200.

1920 HUBBARD, F. G. The plundering of the Hoard. _Univ. Wisconsin Stud._ 11.

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1920 SCHUECKING, L. L. Widhergyld (Beowulf, 2051), _Engl. Stud._ LIII, 468-70. (Schuecking, like Mead, but independently, interprets Withergyld as the name of the warrior whose son is being stirred to revenge.)

1920 BJOERKMAN, E. Haedhcyn und H['a]kon, _Engl. Stud._ LIV, 24-34.

1920 HOOPS, J. Das Verhuellen des Haupts bei Toten, ein angelsaechsisch-nordischer Brauch (Zu Beowulf, 446, _hafalan h[=y]dan_), _Engl. Stud._ LIV, 19-23.

1920 NOREEN, A. Yngve, Inge, Inglinge [Ingwine], _Namn och Bygd_, VIII, 1-8.

1920 LA COUR, V. Lejrestudier, _Danske Studier_, 1920, 49-67. (Weighty. Emphasizing the importance of the site of Leire in the sixth century.) A discussion on the date and origin of Beowulf, by LIEBERMANN, is about to appear (_Gott. Gelehrt. Gesellschaft_).

s. 9. STYLE AND GRAMMAR

Titles already given in previous sections are not repeated here. General treatises on O. E. style and grammar are recorded here only if they have a special and exceptional bearing upon _Beowulf_.

1873 LICHTENHELD, A. Das schwache adjectiv im ags., _Z.f.d. A._ XVI, 325-93. (Important. See above, pp. 105-7.)

1875 HEINZEL, R. Ueber den Stil der altgermanischen Poesie. Strassburg. (_Quellen u. Forschungen_, X.) (Important and suggestive: led to further studies on the style of Beowulf, such as those of Hoffmann and Bode.) Review: Zimmer, _A.f.d. A._ II, 294-300.

1877 ++ARNDT, O. Ueber die altgerm. epische Sprache. Paderborn.

1877 SCHOENBACH, A. [A discussion of words peculiar to sections of Beowulf, added to a review of Ettmueller's Beowulf], _A.f.d. A._ III, 36-46. See also Moeller, _Volksepos_, 60 _etc._

1879 NADER, E. Zur Syntax des B['e]owulf. _Progr. der Staats-Ober-Realschule_, in Bruenn. Review: Bernhardt, _Literaturblatt_, 1880, 439-40 (unfavourable: reply by Nader and answer by Bernhardt, 1881, 119-20).

1881 ++GUMMERE, F. B. The Anglo-Saxon metaphor. Dissertation, Freiburg.

1882 SCHEMANN, K. Die Synonyma im Be['o]wulfsliede, mit Ruecksicht auf Composition u. Poetik des Gedichtes. Hagen. Dissertation, Muenster. (Examines the use of noun-synonyms in the different sections of the poem as divided by Muellenhoff, and finds no support for Muellenhoff's theories.) Review: Kluge, _Literaturblatt_, 1883, 62-3.

1882 ++NADER, E. Der Genitiv im Be['o]wulf. Bruenn. Review: Klinghardt, _Engl. Stud._ VI, 288.

1882 SCHULZ, F. Die Sprachformen des Hildebrand-Liedes im Beovolf. Koenigsberg.

1883 NADER, E. Dativ u. Instrumental im Be['o]wulf. Wien. Review: Klinghardt, _Engl. Stud._ VII, 368-70.

1883 HARRISON, J. A. List of irregular (strong) verbs in B['e]owulf, _Amer. Jour. of Phil._ IV, 462-77.

1883 HOFFMANN, A. Der bildliche Ausdruck im Be['o]wulf u. in der Edda, _Engl. Stud._ VI, 163-216.

1886 BODE, W. Die Kenningar in der angelsaechsischen Dichtung. Darmstadt and Leipzig. Reviews: Gummere, _M. L. N._ II, 17-19 (important--praises Bode highly); Kluge, _Engl. Stud._ X, 117; Brandl, _D. L. Z._ 1887, 897-8; Bischoff, _Archiv_, LXXIX, 115-6; Meyer, _A.f.d. A._ XIII, 136.

1886 ++KOEHLER, K. Der syntaktische gebrauch des Infinitivs und Particips im Beowulf. Dissertation, Muenster.

1886 BANNING, A. Die epischen Formeln im B[^e]owulf. I. Die verbalen synonyma. Dissertation, Marburg.

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1887 TOLMAN, A. H. The style of Anglo-Saxon poetry, _Trans. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ III, 17-47.

1888-9 NADER, E. Tempus und modus im Beowulf, _Anglia_, X, 542-63; XI, 444-99.

1889 KAIL, J. Ueber die Parallelstellen in der Ags. Poesie, _Anglia_, XII, 21-40. (A _reductio ad absurdum_ of the theories of Sarrazin. Important.)

1891 DAVIDSON, C. The Phonology of the Stressed Vowels in B['e]owulf, _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ VI, 106-33. Review: Karsten, _Engl. Stud._ XVII, 417-20.

1892 SONNEFELD, G. Stilistisches und Wortschatz im Be['o]wulf. Dissertation, Strassburg. Wuerzburg.

1893 TODT, A. Die Wortstellung im Beowulf, _Anglia_, XVI, 226-60.

1898 KISTENMACHER, R. Die woertlichen Wiederholungen im B[^e]owulf. Dissertation, Greifswald. Reviews: Mead, _J.(E.)G. Ph._ II, 546-7; Kaluza, _Engl. Stud._ XXVII, 121-2 (short but valuable).

1902 BARNOUW, A. J. Textkritische Untersuchungen nach dem gebrauch des bestimmten Artikels und des schwachen Adjektivs in der altenglischen Poesie. Leiden. (Important, see above, p. 107.) Reviews: Kock, _Engl. Stud._ XXXII, 228-9; Binz, _Z.f.d. Ph._ XXXVI, 269-74; Schuecking, _Goettingische gelehrte Anzeigen_, 1905, 730-40.

1902 HEUSLER, A. Der dialog in der altgermanischen erzaehlenden Dichtung. _Z.f.d. A._ XLVI, 189-284.

1903 SHIPLEY, G. The genitive case in Anglo-Saxon Poetry. Baltimore. Reviews: Kock, _Engl. Stud._ XXV, 92-5; Mourek, _A.f.d. A._ XXX, 172-4.

1903 KRACKOW, O. Die Nominalcomposita als Kunstmittel im altenglischen Epos. Dissertation, Berlin. Review: Bjoerkman, _Archiv_, CXVII, 189-90.

1904 SCHUECKING, L. L. Die Grundzuege der Satzverknuepfung im Beowulf. Pt. I. (_Morsbachs Studien_, XV.) Halle. (Important.) Reviews: Eckhardt, _Engl. Stud._ XXXVII, 396-7; Pogatscher, _D. L. Z._ 1905, 922-3; Behagel, _Literaturblatt_, XXVIII, 100-2; Grossmann, _Archiv_, CXVIII, 176-9.

1904 HAEUSCHKEL, B. Die Technik der Erzaehlung im Beowulfliede. Dissertation, Breslau.

1905 KRAPP, G. P. The parenthetic exclamation in Old English poetry, _M. L. N._ XX, 33-7.

1905 SCHEINERT, M. Die Adjektiva im Beowulfepos als Darstellungsmittel, _P. B. B._ XXX, 345-430.

1906 THOMAS, P. G. Notes on the language of Beowulf, _M. L. R._ I, 202-7. (A short summary of the dialectal forms.)

1906 BARNOUW, A. J. Nochmals zum ags. Gebrauch des Artikels, _Archiv_, CXVII, 366-7.

1907 RIES, J. Die Wortstellung im Beowulf. Halle. (An important and exhaustive study by an acknowledged specialist.) Reviews: Binz, _Anglia_, _Beiblatt_, XXII, 65-78 (important); Borst, _Engl. Stud._ XLII, 93-101; Delbrueck, _A.f.d. A._ XXXI, 65-76 (important); Reis, _Literaturblatt_, XXVIII, 328-30; _Lit. Cbl._ 1907, p. 1474; Huchon, _Revue germanique_, III, 634-8.

1908 KRAUEL, H. Der Haken- und Langzeilenstil im Beowulf. Dissertation, Goettingen.

1908 LORS, A. Aktionsarten des Verbums im Beowulf. Dissertation, Wuerzburg.

1908 ++MOUREK, E. Zur Syntax des konjunktivs im Beowulf, _Prager deutsche stud._ VIII.

1909-10 RANKIN, J. W. A study of the Kennings in Ags. poetry, _J. E. G. Ph._ VIII, 357-422; IX, 49-84. (Latin parallels; very important.)

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1909 SHEARIN, H. G. The expression of purpose in Old English poetry, _Anglia_, XXXII, 235-52.

1909 ++RIGGERT, G. Der syntaktische Gebrauch des Infinitivs in der altenglischen Poesie. Dissertation, Kiel.

1910 RICHTER, C. Chronologische Studien zur angelsaechsischen Literatur auf grund sprachl.-metrischer Kriterien. Halle. (_Morsbachs Studien_, XXXIII.) Reviews: Binz, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXII, 78-80; Imelmann, _D. L. Z._ 1910, 2986-7; Hecht, _Archiv_, CXXX, 430-2.

1910 WAGNER, R. Die Syntax des Superlativs ... im Beowulf. Berlin. (_Palaestra_, XCI.) Reviews: Schatz, _D. L. Z._ 1910, 2848-9; Kock, _A.f.n. F._ XXVIII, 347-9.

1910 SCHUCHARDT, R. Die negation im Beowulf. Berlin. (_Berliner Beitraege zur germ. u. roman. Philol._ XXXVIII.)

1912 BRIGHT, J. W. An Idiom of the Comparative in Anglo-Saxon, _M. L. N._ XXVII, 181-3. (Bearing particularly upon Beowulf, 69, 70.)

1912 EXNER, P. Typische Adverbialbestimmungen in fruehenglischer Poesie. Dissertation, Berlin.

1912 GRIMM, P. Beitraege zum Pluralgebrauch in der altenglischen Poesie. Dissertation, Halle.

1913 PAETZEL, W. Die Variationen in der altgermanischen Alliterationspoesie. Berlin. See pp. 73-84 for Beowulf and Finnsburg. (_Palaestra_, XLVIII.) Pt. I. had appeared in 1905 as a Berlin dissertation.

s. 10. METRE

For bibliography of O. E. metre in general, see _Pauls Grdr._ (2), II, 1022-4.

1870 SCHUBERT, H. De Anglosaxonum arte metrica. Dissertatio inauguralis, Berolini.

1884 SIEVERS, E. Zur rhythmik des germanischen alliterationsverses: I. Vorbemerkungen. Die metrik des Beowulf: II. Sprachliche Ergebnisse, _P. B. B._ X, 209-314 and 451-545. (Most important.)

1894 KALUZA, M. Studien zum altgermanischen alliterationsvers. I. Kritik der bisherigen theorien. II. Die Metrik des Beowulfliedes. (Important.) Reviews: Martin, _Engl. Stud._ XX, 293-6; Heusler, _A.f.d. A._ XXI, 313-17; Saran, _Z.f.d. Ph._ XXVII, 539-43.

1905 TRAUTMANN, M. Die neuste Beowulfausgabe und die altenglische verslehre, _Bonner Beitraege zur Anglistik_, XVII, 175-91. (A discussion of O. E. metre in view of Holthausen's edition.) Review: Klaeber, _M. L. N._ XXII, 252.

1908 MORGAN, B. Q. Zur lehre von der alliteration in der westgermanischen dichtung: I. Die tonverhaeltnisse der hebungen im Beowulf: II. Die gekreuzte alliteration; _P. B. B._ XXXIII, 95-181.

1908 BOHLEN, A. Zusammengehoerige Wortgruppen, getrennt durch Caesur oder Versschluss, in der angelsaechsischen Epik. Dissertation, Berlin. Reviews: Dittes, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XX, 199-202; Kroder, _Engl. Stud._ XL, 90.

1912 TRAUTMANN, M. Zum altenglischen Versbau, _Engl. Stud._ XLIV, 303-42.

1913 SEIFFERT, F. Die Behandlung der Woerter mit auslautenden urspruenglich silbischen Liquiden oder Nasalen und mit Kontraktionsvokalen in der Genesis A und im Beowulf. Dissertation, Halle. (Concludes the dialect of the two poems to be distinct, but finds no evidence on these grounds which is the earlier.)

1914 FIJN VAN DRAAT, P. The cursus in O. E. poetry, _Anglia_, XXXVIII, 377-404.

1918 LEONARD, W. E. Beowulf and the Niebelungen couplet, in _Univ. of Wisconsin Studies in Language and Literature_, II, 98-152. (Important. Pp. 123-46 advocating the "four-accent theory.")

1920 ++NEUNER, E. Ueber ein- und dreihebige Halbverse in der altenglischen alliterierenden Poesie. Berlin. Review: Bright, _M. L. N._ XXXVI, 59-63.

* * * * *

{414}

INDEX

Abingdon, sheaf ordeal at, 83-4, 303 Adam of Bremen, on the Goetar, 339 Aethelbert of East Anglia, 239-43 Agnerus, 132-3 Alboin and Thurisind, 281, 282, 285 Alcester, _Grindeles pytt_ near, 305 Alcuin, 22, 332 Aldfrid, 325 Aldhelm, 331 Alfsola, 69 Ali, _see_ Onela Aliel, _see_ Riganus _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, Pedigrees in, 72 _etc._, 312 _etc._ Archaeology in relation to _Beowulf_, 122 _etc._, 345-65 Asbiorn, 186-92 Athils, Athislus, _see_ Eadgils Attila, funeral of, compared with that of Beowulf, 124 Atuarii, _see_ Hetware Ayres, Prof. H. M., on the _Finnsburg_ story, 266 _etc._

Baldaeg, 321 Baldr, 69 _bana_, 270-1 Battersea, _Gryndeles sylle_ near, 306 "Bear's-son" folk-tale, 62 _etc._, 369-81 _B[=e]as broc_, _B[=e]as feld_, 310 Bede, the Venerable, 326 _etc._ Bedwig, 303-4 Beow(a), Beaw, 10, 42 _etc._, 87-8, 202-3, 291 _etc._, 296 _etc._ Beowi, 303 Beowulf the Dane (Beowulf Scyldinga), 41 _etc._, 88, 92 _etc._, 291 _etc._ Beowulf son of Ecgtheow, king of the Geatas, 10-13; his struggle with Grendel and Grendel's mother, 41 _etc._; with the dragon, 92 _etc._; his funeral rites, 122 _etc._; etymology and meaning of the name, 365-9 _Beowulf_, suggested translation from a Scandinavian original, 98-104; dialect, syntax and metre of, 104-12; theories as to the structure of, 112-20; the Christian elements in, 121-8; date of, 122, 322 _etc._, 353 _etc._; possible classical influence upon, 329 _etc._; archaeology of, 345-65; division into fittes or passus, 294 _etc._ Biar, 7, 45 _Biuuulf_, 367 _Bjarkam['a]l_, 26, 264; Saxo's Latin translation quoted, 135-6 _Bjarka r['i]mur_, 58, 182-6 Bjarki, 9, 12, 54-61, 132-6, 138-46, 182-6 Bjarndreingur, 374-5 Bjoernoere, 377 Blackburn, Prof., on the Christian element in _Beowulf_, 125 Blood-feud, in primitive society, 276 _etc._ Boar-helmets, 350-1, 358-9 Bocus, 26, 135 Boerinus, 201 Bothvar Bjarki, _see_ Bjarki Bow, the, in _Beowulf_, 361 Bradley, Dr Henry, on the Christian elements in _Beowulf_, 127; on Beow and Beowulf the Dane, 293 _etc._; on the passus in _Beowulf_, 294-5 Brusi, 187-92 Brutus (Hildebrandus), 222 Bugge, Sophus, on the _Finnsburg_ story, 257-66 Burial mounds, Scandinavian, 356 Burials, 122 _etc._, 353-5 Byggvir, 45, 297 _etc._

Cerdic, his ancestry, 316 _etc._ Chadwick, Prof. H. M., on the date of _Beowulf_, 122, 353 _etc._ Chatuarii, _see_ Hetware Chochilaicus, 2, 3 Christianity of _Beowulf_, 121 _etc._, 322 _etc._ Cities of Refuge, 276-7 Clyst, river, 44, 310 Creedy, the, _Grendeles pyt_ near, 305 Crying the Neck, 82-3, 302 Cynethryth, 37 _etc._

Dan, king of the Danes, 129, 204 Danes, first mentioned soon after A. D. 500, 14; their early kings, 13-31; their early history as recorded in Saxo, 129-37; in the _Little Chronicle of the Kings of Leire_, 204-6; in Sweyn Aageson, 211; their relation to the English, 314 _etc._ Date of _Beowulf_, 122, 322 _etc._, 353 _etc._ Dialect of _Beowulf_, 104 Dorestad, 259, 288-9 Dragons, not extinct in 1649, 11 (note); Frotho's dragon, 92 _etc._, 130-1; the Vendsyssel dragon, 192-5 Dunstan, 332 Drida, 36 _etc._; 238-43; _see also_ Thryth

Eadgils (Athils, Athislus), 5-8; 184, 186, 356 {415} Eaha, 246 Eanmund, 5 _Edda_ of Snorri, 69 Engelhardt, on the Moss-finds, 345 _etc._ Eomaer (Eamer), 31, 197-8 Eotan, Eote, _see_ Jutes Eotenas, part played by them in the _Finnsburg Episode_, 219 _etc._; 260 _etc._; 283 _etc._ Eric, jarl, 277, 278 Esthonian cult of Pekko, 299 _etc._ Ethelwerd, 70 _etc._, 202, 318 _etc._

Fahlbeck, Pontus, his Jute-theory, 8, 333 _etc._ Faroe "Bear's-son" tale, 375-6 _ferhdh-freca_, 276 Fifeldor, 35, _note_ Finn, son of Folcwald, 199, 200, 248 _etc._, 253-4, 283 _etc._, 289 Finnsburg, the story of, 245-89; site of, 259 Florence of Worcester, 8 Folcwald(a), 199 Frealaf, 321 Freawaru, daughter of Hrothgar, 21 _etc._, 282 Frisia in the Heroic Age, 288-9 Froda (Frothi, Frotho), 21, 24-5, 211, 282 Frotho and the dragon, 92-7, 130-1 Frowinus, 33-4 Funeral rites, _see_ Burials

Garulf, his part in the _Finnsburg_ story, 246-7; 283 _etc._, 287 Gautar, _see_ Geatas Geatas (O. N. Gautar), 2, 8-10, 333-45; their kings, 2-13; boundaries of their territory, 339 Gefwulf, 286-7 Genealogies, 311 _etc._ Giovanni dell' Orso, 371 Glam, 48, 147 _etc._, 164 _etc._ Godulf, 200 Goetar, _see_ Geatas Gokstad ship, 363-4 Gold in the Heroic Age, 348 _etc._ Gram Guldkoelve, 192, 194 Graendels m[^o]r in Transsylvania, 308 _grandi_, 309 Greek scholarship in Anglo-Saxon times, 329 Gregory of Tours, his account of the death of Hygelac, 3-4, 9, 342 Grendel, 41 _etc._; occurrence of the name in English charters, 305-6; etymology, 309-10 _Grendles mere_, 43-4, 306 Grettir Asmundarson, 48 _etc._, 152-62, 169-82 _Grettis Saga_, 162; extracts from, 146-62; translation, 162-82; death of Illugi, 280 Grimm's story of _Der Starke Hans_, 370 Grindale village, 308 Grindle or Greendale brook, near Exeter, 44, 309 _grundel_, 309 Grundtvig, his identification of Chochilaicus, 4 Guest (Gestr), _see_ Grettir Gullinhjalti, 141, 146 Guthlaf, 246-7, 252, 267, 285

Haki, 68-9 Halga (Helgi, Helgo), 14 _etc._, 132, 205, 211 Hall, Dr Clark, on the archaeology of _Beowulf_, 346 _etc._ Hall, the, in _Beowulf_, 361 Ham, _Grendles mere_ near, 43-4, 306 Hamlet (Amlethus), 39; Hengest's hesitation compared to that of Shakespeare's Hamlet, 266 Hans, der starke, 370 Harold Fairhair and the Gautar, 340 Harvest customs, 81 _etc._ _h[=e]aburh_, 259 _note_ Healfdene (Halfdan, Haldanus), 14 _etc._, 131, 205, 211 Heardred, slain by Onela, 5, 13 Heathobeardan, 20 _etc._, 244 Hendon, "Grendels gate" near, 306-7 Hengest, 246, 250 _etc._, 284 _etc._ Henry (Henrik) slays a dragon, 192-5 Heorogar, 14, 287 Heorot, 13-20; _see also_ Leire Heoroweard (Hj[o,]rvardhr, Hiarwarus), 14, 15, 29-30, 134-7, 205-6, 277 Heremod, 89 _etc._ Hermuthruda, 39 Heruli, identified by some with the Heathobeardan, 24 Hetware (Atuarii), 2-3 Hiarthwarus, Hiarwarus, _see_ Heoroweard Hickes, his text of the _Finnsburg Fragment_, 245-6 Hildebrandus, another name for Brutus, _q.v._ Hildeburh, 248 _etc._ Hjalti (Hott), 55 _etc._, 132 _etc._, 138-46, 182-6 Hnaef, 247 _etc._, 283 _etc._ Hocingas, 249 Hott, _see_ Hjalti Hrethric, 25-7, 135 (Roericus), 211 (Roekil) Hrothgar (Hroarr, Roe), 14 _etc._, 132, 204, 244 {416} Hrothulf (Rolf Kraki, Roluo), 15, 25-9, 132-7, 139-46, 205-6, 244 Hugleikr, 323 Huglek, 323 Humblus, 129 Hunlafing, 252, 267, 283 Hygelac, death of, 2-4

Ialto, _see_ Hjalti Icelandic "Bear's-son" tale, 374-5 Illugi, _see Grettis Saga_ Ingeld, son of Froda, 21 _etc._, 244, 282, 284-5 Intercourse between tribes in Heroic Age, 348 _etc._ Ivashko Medvedko, 372-4

Jean l'Ourson, 378-9 Jenny Greenteeth, 307 Jomsvikings, 278 Jovial huntsmen, the Three, their views, 310 Jutes, attempt to identify them with the Geatas, 8-10, 333-45; Jutes and _Eotenas_, 261 _etc._, 272 _etc._ Jutland, "Bear's-son" tale in, 377

_K['a]lfsv['i]sa_, 7, 45 Kemble, his mythological theories, 291 _etc._ Keto, 33-4 Klaeber, on the Christian element in _Beowulf_, 126

Lawrence, Prof. W. W., on mythology in _Beowulf_, 43 _etc._, 291 _etc._; on _Finnsburg_, 270 _etc._ _Laxdaela Saga_, parallels from, 278-9 Leifus, 252, _note_ Leire, 16 _etc._, 134, 204, 211, 216, 365; _see also_ Heorot _Leire, Little Chronicle of the Kings of_, extracts from, 204-6 Lethra, _see_ Leire _Liber Historiae Francorum_, account of the death of Chochilaicus (Hygelac) in, 3 "Lichtenheld's Test," 105 _etc._ _Lokasenna_ quoted, 297-9 Loki, 297-9 Lombard story of the "Bear's-son," 371 Longobardi, relation to the Heathobeardan, 23; 311; _see also_ Alboin Lother(us), 89 _etc._, 129

Malmesbury, William of, _see_ William of Malmesbury Mercian genealogy, 195-8 Milio, 220 Minstrelsy forbidden to priests, 332 Mitunnus, 218 _etc._ Moeller, on _Finnsburg_, 254-7 _Monsters and Strange Beasts_, account of Hygelac in the _Book of (Liber Monstrorum)_, 4, 339 "Morsbachs Test," 107-12 Moss-finds, 345 _etc._ Muellenhoff's theories on _Beowulf_, 113 _etc._, 292 _etc._ Myrgingas, 31-2, 244 Mythology in _Beowulf_, 46 _etc._, 291 _etc._

Neck, _see_ Crying the Neck Neckersgate, 307 _Nj['a]ls Saga_, parallels from, 271, 277, 280-1 Norka, the, 371-2 North Frisians, 249, _note_, 273 Northumbrian anarchy in the eighth century, 324 Norwegian folk-tale ("Bear's-son" type), 376-7 Nydam, 345 _etc._ Nydam boat, 362-3

_Odyssey_, parallels with _Beowulf_, 329 Offa I, king of Angel, 31-40, 197-8, 206-15, 217-35, 244 Offa II, 36 _etc._, 235-43 Ohthere, 5, 343 _etc._; _see also_ Ottar Vendel-crow Onela, 5-8, 184-6 Ongentheow, 4-5, 8 Ordlaf (Oslaf), 246, 252, 267, 285, 287 Origin of the English, 314 _etc._ Orm Storolfsson, 53, 186-92 Oseberg ship, 363-4 Oslaf, _see_ Ordlaf Oswin, king, 324 _etc._ Oswiu, king, 325 Otta, 220 Ottar Vendelcrow, his mound, 343-5, 356; _see also_ Ohthere

Panzer, his derivation of the story of _Beowulf_ from the "Bear's-son" folk-tale, 67-8, 369-81 passus of _Beowulf_, 294 _etc._ Peg o' Nell, 307 Peg Powler, 307 Pekko, 87, 299 _etc._ Pellon-Pecko, _see_ Pekko Peter Baer, 378 Pinefredus, _see_ Offa II Procopius, mentions the Goutai (Geatas), 8-9, 338

Riganus (or Aliel), 218 _etc._ Ring-corslets, 351, 360 Ring-money, 351-2 Ring-swords, 349 _etc._ Roe, _see_ Hrothgar {417} Roekil, _see_ Hrethric Roericus, _see_ Hrethric _Rolf Kraki, Saga of_, 16, 55 _etc._; extract from, 138-46; quoted in illustration of the _Finnsburg_ story, 281, 282 Rolf Kraki, _see_ Hrothulf Roluo, _see_ Hrothulf Roskilde, 18, 132, 204 Runkoteivas, 300 Russian variants of the "Bear's-son" story, 371-4 Ruta, 133

Saempsae, 84-5, 300 _Saga of Rolf Kraki_, see _Rolf Kraki, Saga of_ Sandhaugar, 48, 66, 156-62, 175-82 Saxo Grammaticus, 16; his story of Starcatherus, 22-3; of Roericus, 26; of Hiarwarus, 30; of Uffo (Offa), 32-3; of Biarco (Bjarki), 57 _etc._; of Skyoldus, 77; of Lotherus, 89 _etc._; of Frotho, 91 _etc._; on cremation, 123; extracts from, 129-37, 206-11; on text of, 215-16; 282 Sceaf, 68-86, 200-3, 302 _etc._, 311 _etc._ Sceafa, 311 Scenery of _Beowulf_, 101 Schuecking, Prof., on the structure of _Beowulf_, 117-20; on the date of _Beowulf_, 322 _etc._ Schuette, on the Geatas, 8, 333 _etc._ Sculda, 133-4, 204-5 Scyld, 68-86, 201-4, 303, 314 _etc._ Secgan, 269, 286 Setukese, 301 Sheaf, _see_ Sceaf Shield, _see_ Scyld Shield, the, in Anglo-Saxon times, 360-1 Ships, 362-4 Sigeferth, 246-7, 269, 286, 287 Sigmund, 91 Sigurd Ring, 69 Sinfjotli, his foul language, 28 Skeggjatussi, 375 Skjold (Skyoldus), 71 _etc._, 130, 211 _Skjoldunga Saga_, account of Adilsus (Eadgils) in, 7; of Rolf Kraki (Hrothulf), 16 _etc._; quoted, 69, 252 _note_ Spear, the, in Anglo-Saxon times, 360 Starkad (Starcatherus), 22-3 Steenkloewer, Stenhuggeren, 380 Stein, 49, 66, 156-62, 175-82, 380 Steinspieler, 380 Steinv[o,]r, 157-62, 175-82 Stjerna, Knut, on the funeral customs of _Beowulf_, 124; on Ottar Vendelcrow, 343-5; on the archaeology of _Beowulf_, 346 _etc._ Sueno, 222 Svold, battle of, 277 Sweden, kings of, 4-8; _see_ Eadgils, Ohthere, Onela, Ongentheow Sweyn Aageson, his account of Uffo (Offa), 33; extract from, 211-15; 216 Swinford, _Grendels mere_ near, 306 Swords in _Beowulf_ and in Anglo-Saxon grave-finds, 357

Ten Brink's theories on _Beowulf_, 113 _etc._ Theodoric, king of the Franks, 3 Thorgaut, 150 _etc._, 167 _etc._ Thorhall Grimsson, 146-56, 163-74 Thorsbjerg, 345 _etc._ Thryth, 37 _etc._, 238-43 Tours, Gregory of, _see_ Gregory of Tours

Uffo, _see_ Offa Ull, 303 Unferth, 27-30 Ursula, 205

Vendel finds, 347 _etc._ Vendsyssel, dragon of, 192-5 Virgil, possible influence of, upon _Beowulf_, 329 _etc._ _Vitae duorum Offarum_, 34 _etc._, 217-43 _V[o,]lsunga Saga_, parallels from, 275, 286

Waeder Oear and Waeder Fiord, 342 Warmundus, _see_ Wermundus Weak and strong forms of heroic names used alternatively, 311 Wealhtheow, her forebodings, 25 Weapons in _Beowulf_, 357-61 Wederas, name applied to the Geatas, 342 Wener, Lake, 9, 342 _wer-gild_, 277 Wermund, 32 _etc._, 197-8, 206-15, 217-26 West-Saxon genealogy, 72 _etc._, 198-201, 311 _etc._ _Widsith_, account of the Heathobeardan in, 20 _etc._; of Hrothulf, 25; of Offa, 31; of Sceafa, 80; extract from, 243-4; 286; 338 Wiggo, 133-7, 264-5 Wigo, 33-4 Wijk bij Duurstede, _see_ Dorestad William of Malmesbury, 70 _etc._, 203, 302 Woden's ancestors, 311 _etc._

_Ynglinga tal_ and _Ynglinga Saga_, 5-7, 68-9, 344 Yte, _see_ Jutes Ytene, 8, 337

* * * * *

NOTES

[1] The exact equivalent to _Hr[=o]dhgar_ is found in O. N., in the form _Hr['o]dhgeirr_. The by-form _Hr['o]arr_, which is used of the famous Danish king, is due to a number of rather irregular changes, which can however be paralleled. The Primitive Germanic form of the name would have been *_Hr[=o]thugaisaz_: for the loss of the _g_ at the beginning of the second element we may compare _Adhils_ with _[=E]adgils_ (Noreen, _Altislaendische Grammatik_, 1903, s. 223); for the loss of _dh_ before _w_ compare _Hr['o]lfr_ with _Hr[=o]dhwulf_ (Noreen, s. 222); for the absence of _R-_ umlaut in the second syllable, combined with loss of the _g_, compare O. N. _nafarr_ with O. E. _nafug[=a]r_ (Noreen, s. 69).

[2] Corresponding to O. N. _Adhils_ we should expect O. E. _Aedhgils_, _Aedhgisl_. The form _[=E]adgils_ may be due to confusion with the famous Eadgils, king of the Myrgingas, who is mentioned in _Widsith_. The name comes only once in _Beowulf_ (l. 2392) and may owe its form there to a corruption of the scribe. That the O. E. form is corrupt seems more likely than that the O. N. _Adhils_, so well known and so frequently recorded, is a corruption of _Audhgisl_.

[3] It must be remembered that the sound changes of the Germanic dialects have been worked out so minutely that it is nearly always possible to decide quite definitely whether two names do or do not exactly correspond. Only occasionally is dispute possible [e.g. whether _Hrothgar_ is or is not phonetically the exact equivalent of _Hroarr_].

[4] See below, pp. 8-10.

[5] _Chochilaicus_, which appears to be the correct form, corresponds to _Hygelac_ (in the primitive form _Hugilaikaz_) as _Chlodovechus_ to _Hludovicus_.

[6] The passages in _Beowulf_ referring to this expedition are:

1202 _etc._. Frisians (adjoining the Hetware) and Franks mentioned as the foes.

2354 _etc._ Hetware mentioned.

2501 _etc._ Hugas (= Franks) and the Frisian king mentioned.

2914 _etc._ Franks, Frisians, Hugas, Hetware and "the Merovingian" mentioned.

[7] The identification of Chochilaicus with Hygelac is the most important discovery ever made in the study of _Beowulf_, and the foundation of our belief in the historic character of its episodes. It is sometimes attributed to Grundtvig, sometimes to Outzen. It was first vaguely suggested by Grundtvig (_Nyeste Skilderie af Kjoebenhavn_, 1815, col. 1030): the importance of the identification was worked out by him fully, two years later (_Danne-Virke_, II, 285). In the meantime the passage from Gregory had been quoted by Outzen in his review of Thorkelin's _Beowulf_ (_Kieler Blaetter_, III, 312). Outzen's reference was obviously made independently, but he failed to detect the real bearing of the passage upon _Beowulf_. Credit for the find accordingly belongs solely to Grundtvig.

[8] Ongentheow is mentioned in _Widsith_ (l. 31) as a famous king of the Swedes. Many of the kings mentioned in the same list can be proved to be historical, and the reference in _Widsith_ therefore supports Ongentheow's historic character, but is far, in itself, from proving it.

[9] Strictly _Anganth['e]r_. See Heusler, _Heldennamen in mehrfacher Lautgestalt, Z.f.d. A._ LII, 101.

[10] ll. 2382-4.

[11] ll. 2612-9.

[12] Whether it be accuracy or accident, these names Ottar and Athils come just at that place in the list of the _Ynglinga tal_ which, when we reckon back the generations, we find to correspond to the beginning of the sixth century. And this is the date when we know from _Beowulf_ that they should have been reigning.

[13] But the accounts are quite inconsistent. Saxo (ed. Holder, pp. 56-7) implies a version in which Athils was deposed, if not slain, by Bothvar Bjarki, which is quite at variance with other information given by Saxo.

[14] Unless they are among the fragments carried off to the Stockholm Museum. Little of interest was found in these mounds when they were opened: everything had been too thoroughly burnt.

[15] See Schueck, _Folknamnet Geatas_, 22 _etc._

[16] See below, p. 98 and Appendix (E); The "Jute-Question."

[17] See below, pp. 45 _etc._

[18] Olrik (_Heltedigtning_, I, 22 _etc._). The Danish house--Healfdene, Heorogar, Hrothgar, Halga, Heoroweard, Hrethric, Hrothmund, Hrothulf: the Swedish--Ongentheow, Onela, Ohthere, Eanmund, Eadgils: the Geatic--Hrethel, Herebeald, Haetheyn, Hygelac, Heardred. The same principle is strongly marked in the Old English pedigrees.

[19] ll. 3018 _etc._

[20] As is done, e.g., by Schueck (_Studier i Beowulf-sagan_, 27).

[21] "Dragon fights are more frequent, not less frequent, the nearer we come to historic times": Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, 313. The dragon survived much later in Europe than has been generally recognized. He was flying from Mount Pilatus in 1649. (See J. J. Scheuchzer, _Itinera per Helvetiae Alpinas regiones_, 1723, III, p. 385.) The same authority quotes accounts of dragons authenticated by priests, his own contemporaries, and supplies many bloodcurdling engravings of the same.

[22] Cf. on this point Klaeber in _Anglia_, XXXVI (1912) p. 190.

[23] l. 2382.

[24] l. 2393.

[25] Of course, even if Beowulf's reign over the Geatas is not historic, this does not exclude the possibility of his having _some_ historic foundation.

[26] Attempts at working out the chronology of _Beowulf_ have been made by Gering (in his translation) and by Heusler (_Archiv_, CXXIV, 9-14). On the whole the chronology of _Beowulf_ is self-consistent, but there are one or two discrepancies which do not admit of solution.

[27] l. 468.

[28] l. 2161.

[29] _Widsith_, l. 46.

[30] _Beowulf_, l. 2160. Had Hrothulf been a son of Heorogar he could not have been passed over in silence here. Neither can Hrothulf be Hrothgar's sister's son: for since the sister married the Swedish king, Hrothulf would in that case be a Swedish prince, and presumably would be living at the Swedish court, and bearing a name connected by alliteration with those of the Swedish, not the Danish house. Besides, had he been a Swedish prince, he must have been heard of in connection with the dynastic quarrels of the Swedish house.

[31] ll. 1163-5.

[32] ll. 1188-91.

[33] ll. 1180 _etc._

[34] Doubts are expressed, for example, in Trap's monumental topographical work (_Kongeriket Danmark_, II, 328, 1898).

[35] For example Sweyn Aageson (c. 1200) had no doubt that the little village of Leire near Roskilde was identical with the Leire of story: _Rolf Kraki, occisus in Lethra, qvae tunc famosissima Regis extitit curia, nunc autem Roskildensi vicina civitati, inter abjectissima ferme vix colitur oppida._ Svenonis Aggonis _Historia Regum Daniae_, in Langebek, I, 45.

[36] _Ro ... patrem vero suum Dan colle apud Lethram tumulavit Sialandie ubi sedem regni pro eo pater constituit, qvam ipse post eum divitiis multiplicibus ditavit._ In the so-called _Annales Esromenses_, in Langebek, I, 224. Cf. Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, 188, 194. For further evidence, see Appendix (G) below.

[37] We must not think of Heorot as an isolated country seat. The Royal Hall would stand in the middle of the Royal Village, as in the case of the halls of Attila (Priscus in Moeller's _Fragmenta_, IV, 85) or Cynewulf (_A. S. Chronicle_, Anno 755).

[38] _Lethram pergitur, quod oppidum, a Roluone constructum eximiisque regni opibus illustratum, ceteris confinium prouinciarum urbibus regie fundacionis et sedis auctoritate prestabat._ Saxo, Book II (ed. Holder, p. 58).

[39] _His cognitis Helgo filium Roluonem Lethrica arce conclusit, heredis saluti consulturus_ (p. 52).

[40] _A Roe Roskildia condita memoratur._ Saxo, Book II (ed. Holder, p. 51). Roe's spring, after being a feature of the town throughout the ages, is now (owing perhaps to its sources having been tapped by a neighbouring mineral-water factory) represented only by a pump in a market-garden.

[41] I owe this paragraph to information kindly supplied me by Dr Sofus Larsen, librarian of the University Library, Copenhagen.

[42] It was once believed that, in prehistoric times, the sea came up to Leire also (Forchhammer, Steenstrup and Worsaae: _Undersoegelser i geologisk-antiqvarisk Retning_, Kjoebenhavn, 1851). A most exact scrutiny of the geology of the coast-line has proved this to be erroneous. (Danmarks geologiske Undersoegelse I. R. 6. _Beskrivelse til Kaartbladene Kjoebenhavn og Roskilde_, af K. Roerdam, Kjoebenhavn, 1899.)

[43] The presence at Leire of early remains makes it tempting to suppose that it may have been from very primitive times a stronghold or sacred place. It is impossible here to examine these conjectures, which would connect Heorot ultimately with the "sacred place on the isle of the ocean" mentioned by Tacitus. The curious may be referred to Much in _P. B. B._ XVII, 196-8; Mogk in _Pauls Grdr._ (2) III, 367; Kock in the Swedish _Historisk Tidskrift_, 1895, 162 _etc._; and particularly to the articles by Sarrazin: _Die Hirsch Halle_ in _Anglia_, XIX, 368-91, _Neue Beowulfstudien_ (_Der Grendelsee_) in _Engl. Stud._ XLII, 6-15.

[44] This seems to me much more probable than, as Olrik supposes, that Froda fell in battle against Healfdene (_Skjoldungasaga_, 162 [80]).

[45] _Saga of Rolf Kraki_, cap. IV.

[46] Olrik wishes to read the whole of this account, not as a prediction in the present future tense, but as a narrative of past events in the historic present. (_Heltedigtning_, I, 16; II, 38.) Considering the rarity of the historic present idiom in Old English poetry, this seems exceedingly unlikely.

[47] ll. 2047-2056.

[48] _Verba dei legantur in sacerdotali convivio; ibi decet lectorem audiri, non citharistam, sermones patrum, non carmina gentilium. Quid Hinieldus cum Christo?_ See Jaff['e]'s _Monumenta Alcuiniana_ (_Bibliotheca Rer. Germ._ VI), Berlin, 1873, p. 357; _Epistolae_, 81.

[49] Saxo, Book _VI_ (ed. Holder, 205, 212-13).

The contrast between this lyrical outburst, and the matter-of-fact speech in which the old warrior in _Beowulf_ eggs on the younger man, is thoroughly characteristic of the difference between Old English and Old Scandinavian heroic poetry. This difference is very noticeable whenever we have occasion to compare a passage in _Beowulf_ with any parallel passage in a Scandinavian poem, and should be carefully pondered by those who still believe that _Beowulf_ is, in its present form, a translation from the Scandinavian.

[50] Saxo, Book VIII (ed. Holder, p. 274); _Helga kvitha Hundingsbana_, II, 19. See also Bugge, _Helge-digtene_, 157.

[51] _Th['a]ttr Thorsteins Skelks_ in _Flateyarb['o]k_ (ed. Vigf['u]sson and Unger), I, 416.

[52] Similarly, there is certainly a primitive connection between the names of the Geatas (Gautar) and of the Goths: but they are quite distinct peoples: we should not be justified in speaking of the Geatas as identical with the Goths.

[53] Muellenhoff (_Beovulf_, 29-32) followed by Much (_P. B. B._ XVII, 201) and Heinzel (_A.f.d. A._ XVI, 271). The best account of the Heruli is in Procopius (_Bell. Gott._ II, 14, 15).

[54] See also Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, 21, 22: Sarrazin in _Engl. Stud._ XLII, 11: Bugge, _Helgi-digtene_, 151-63; 181: Chambers, _Widsith_, p. 82 (note), pp. 205-6.

[55] _Saga of Rolf Kraki: Skjoldungasaga._

[56] Best represented in Saxo.

[57] See above, p. 15.

[58] ll. 1180-87.

[59] ll. 1188-91.

[60] ll. 1163-5.

[61] ll. 1017-19.

[62] ll. 45-6.

[63] For a contrary view see Clarke, _Sidelights_, 100.

[64] Saxo has mistaken a title _hnoeggvanbaugi_ for a father's name, (_hins_) _hnoeggva Baugs_ "(son of the) covetous Baug."

[65] _Langfedhgatal_ in Langebek, I, 5. The succession given in _Langfedhgatal_ is Halfdan, Helgi and Hroar, Rolf, Hraerek: it should, of course, run Halfdan, Helgi and Hroar, Hraerek, Rolf. Hraerek has been moved from his proper place in order to clear Rolf of any suspicion of usurpation.

[66] l. 1189.

[67] See Olrik, _Episke Love_ in _Danske Studier_, 1908, p. 79. Compare the remark of Goethe in _Wilhelm Meister_, as to the necessity of there being _both_ a Rosencrantz _and_ a Guildenstern (_Apprenticeship_, Book V, chap. V).

[68] ll. 587-9.

[69] ll. 1165-8.

[70] Perhaps such murder of kin was more common among the aristocratic houses than among the bulk of the population (Chadwick, _H. A._ 348). In some great families it almost becomes the rule, producing a state of things similar to that in present day Afghanistan, where it has become a proverb that a man is "as great an enemy as a cousin" (Pennell, _Afghan Frontier_, 30).

[71] This is proposed by Cosijn (_Aanteekeningen_, 21) and again independently by Lawrence in _M. L. N._ XXV, 157.

[72] ll. 467-9.

[73] ll. 2155-62.

[74] See _Widsith_, ed. Chambers, pp. 92-4.

[75] See Rickert, "The Old English Offa Saga" in _Mod. Phil._ II, esp. p. 75.

[76] The common ascription of the _Lives of the Offas_ to Matthew Paris is erroneous: they are somewhat earlier.

[77] The identification of _Fifeldor_ with the Eider has been doubted, notably by Holthausen, though he seems less doubtful in his latest edition (third edit. II, 178). The reasons for the identification appear to me the following. Place names ending in _dor_ are exceedingly rare. When, therefore, two independent authorities tell us that Offa fought at a place named _Fifel-dor_ or _Egi-dor_, it appears unlikely that this can be a mere coincidence: it seems more natural to assume that the names are corruptions of one original. But further, the connection is not limited to the second element in the name. For the Eider (_Egidora_, _Aegisdyr_) would in O. E. be _Egor-dor_: and _Egor-dor_ stands to _Fifel-dor_ precisely as _egor-stream_ (Boethius, _Metra_, XX, 118) does to _fifel-stream_ (_Metra_, XXVI, 26), _"egor" and "fifel" being interchangeable synonyms_. See note to _Widsith_, l. 43 (p. 204). It is objected that the interchange of _fifel_ and _egor_, though frequent in common nouns, would be unusual in the name of a place. The reply is that the Old English scop may not have regarded it as a place-name. He may have substituted _fifel-dor_ for the synonymous _egor-dor_, "the monster gate," without realizing that it was the name of a definite place, just as he would have substituted _fifel-stream_ for _egor-stream_, "the monster stream, the sea," if alliteration demanded the change.

[78] _The Deeds of Beowulf_, LXXXV.

[79] See below, pp. 105-12, and Appendix (D) below.

[80] Wihtlaeg appears in Saxo as _Vigletus_ (Book IV, ed. Holder, p. 105).

[81] _Nibelungen Lied_, ed. Piper, 328.

[82] Book IV (ed. Holder, p. 102).

[83] Kemble, _Beowulf_, _Postscript_ IX; followed by Muellenhoff, _etc._ So, lately, Chadwick (_H. A._ 126): cf. also Sievers ('Beowulf und Saxo' in the _Berichte d. k. saechs. Gesell. d. Wissenschaften_, 1895, pp. 180-88); Bradley in _Encyc. Brit._ III, 761; Boer, _Beowulf_, 135. See also Olrik, _Danmarks Heltedigtning_, I, 246. For further discussion see below, Appendix (A).

[84] _Beo_--_Scyld_--_Scef_ in Ethelwerd: _Beowius_--_Sceldius_--_Sceaf_ in William of Malmesbury. But in the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_ five generations intervene between Sceaf and his descendant Scyldwa, father of Beaw.

[85] "Item there is vii acres lond lying by the high weye toward the grendyll": _Bury Wills_, ed. S. Tymms (Camden Soc. XLIX, 1850, p. 31).

[86] I should hardly have thought it worth while to revive this old "cesspool" theory, were it not for the statement of Dr Lawrence that "Miller's argument that the word _grendel_ here is not a proper name at all, that it means 'drain,' has never, to my knowledge, been refuted." (_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXIV, 253.)

Miller was a scholar whose memory should be reverenced, but the letter to the _Academy_ was evidently written in haste. The only evidence which Miller produced for _grendel_ standing alone as a common noun in Old English was a charter of 963 (Birch, 1103: vol. III, p. 336): _thanon fordh eft on grendel: thanon on clyst_: _grendel_ here, he asserted, meant "drain": and consequently _gryndeles sylle_ and _grendles mere_ in the other charters must mean "cesspool." But the locality of this charter of 963 is known (Clyst St Mary, a few miles east of Exeter), and the two words exist there as names of streams to this day--"thence again along the Greendale brook, thence along the river Clyst." The Grindle or Greendale brook is no sewer, but a stream some half dozen miles in length which "winds tranquilly through a rich tract of alluvial soil" (_Journal of the Archaeol. Assoc._ XXXIX, 273), past three villages which bear the same name, Greendale, Greendale Barton and Higher Greendale, under Greendale Bridge and over the ford by Greendale Lane, to its junction with the Clyst. Why the existence of this charming stream should be held to justify the interpretation of _Grendel_ or _Gryndel_ as "drain" and _grendles mere_ as "cesspool" has always puzzled me. Were a new Drayton to arise he might, in a new _Polyolbion_, introduce the nymph complaining of her hard lot at the hands of scholars in the Hesperides. I hope, when he next visits England, to conduct Dr Lawrence to make his apologies to the lady. Meantime a glance at the "six inch" ordnance map of Devon suffices to refute Miller's curious hypothesis.

[87] It is often asserted that the same Beowa appears as a witness to a charter (Muellenhoff, _Beovulf_, p. 8: Haak, _Zeugnisse zur altenglischen Heldensage_, 53). But this rests upon a misprint of Kemble (_C. D. S._ V, 44). The name is really _Beoba_ (Birch, _Cart. Sax._ I, 212).

[88] _Beaf er ver kollum Biar_, in the descent of Harold Fairhair from Adam, in _Flateyarb['o]k_, ed. Vigf['u]sson and Unger, Christiania, 1859, I, 27. [The genealogy contains many names obviously taken from a MS of the O. E. royal pedigrees, not from oral tradition, as is shown by the miswritings, e.g., _Beaf_ for _Beaw_, owing to mistaking the O. E. _w_ for _f_.] "This is no proof," Dr Lawrence urges, "of popular acquaintance with Bj['a]r as a Scandinavian figure." (_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXIV, 246.) But how are we to account for the presence of his name among a mnemonic list of some of the most famous warriors and their horses--mention along with heroes like Sigurd, Gunnar, Atli, Athils and Ali, unless Bjar was a well-known figure?

[89] _en Bj['a]rr [reidh] Kerti_. _Kortr_, "short" (Germ. _Kurz_), if indeed we are so to interpret it, is hardly an Icelandic word, and seems strange as the name of a horse. Egilsson (_Lex. Poet._ 1860) suggests _kertr_, "erect," "with head high" (cf. Kahle in _I. F._ XIV, 164).

[90] See Appendix (A) below.

[91] Muellenhoff derived Beaw from the root _bh[=u]_, "to be, dwell, grow": Beaw therefore represented settled dwelling and culture. Muellenhoff's mythological explanation (_Z.f.d. A._ VII, 419, _etc._, _Beovulf_, 1, _etc._) has been largely followed by subsequent scholars, e.g., ten Brink (_Pauls Grdr._ II, 533: _Beowulf_, 184), Symons (_Pauls Grdr._ (2), III, 645-6) and, in general outline, E. H. Meyer (_Mythol. der Germanen_, 1903, 242).

[92] Uhland in _Germania_, II, 349.

[93] Laistner (_Nebelsagen_, 88, _etc._, 264, _etc._), Koegel (_Z.f.d. A._ XXXVII, 274: _Geschichte d. deut. Litt._ I, 1, 109), and Golther (_Handbuch der germ. Mythologie_, 1895, 173) see in Grendel the demon of combined storm and pestilence.

[94] E. H. Meyer (_Germ. Mythol._ 1891, 299).

[95] Mogk (_Pauls Grdr._ (2), III, 302) regards Grendel as a "water-spirit."

[96] Boer (_Ark. f. nord. Filol._ XIX, 19).

[97] This suggestion is made (very tentatively) by Brandl, in _Pauls Grdr._ (2), II, i, 992.

[98] This view has been enunciated by Wundt in his _Voelkerpsychologie_, II, i, 326, _etc._, 382. For a discussion see A. Heusler in _Berliner Sitzungsberichte_, XXXVII, 1909, pp. 939-945.

[99] Cf. Lawrence in _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXIV, 265, _etc._, and Panzer's "Beowulf" throughout.

[100] The tradition of "the devil and his dam" resembles that of Grendel and his mother in its coupling together the home-keeping female and the roving male. See E. Lehmann, "Fandens Oldemor" in _Dania_, VIII, 179-194; a paper which has been undeservedly neglected in the _Beowulf_ bibliographies. But the devil beats his dam (cf. _Piers Plowman_, C-text, XXI, 284): conduct of which one cannot imagine Grendel guilty. See too Lehmann in _Arch. f. Religionswiss._ VIII, 411-30: Panzer, _Beowulf_, 130, 137, _etc._: Klaeber in _Anglia_, XXXVI, 188.

[101] Cf. _Beowulf_, ll. 1282-7.

[102] There are other coincidences which _may_ be the result of mere chance. In each case, before the adventure with the giants, the hero proves his strength by a feat of endurance in the ice-cold water. And, at the end of the story, the hero in each case produces, as evidence of his victory, a trophy with a runic inscription: in _Beowulf_ an engraved sword-hilt; in the _Grettis saga_ bones and a "rune-staff."

[103] Vigf['u]sson, _Corp. Poet. Boreale_, II, 502: Bugge, _P. B. B._ XII, 58.

[104] Boer, for example, believes that _Beowulf_ influenced the _Grettis saga_ (_Grettis saga_, Introduction, xliii); so, tentatively, Olrik (_Heltedigtning_, I, 248).

[105] For this argument and the following, cf. Schueck, _Studier i Beowulfssagan_, 21.

[106] Even assuming that a MS of _Beowulf_ had found its way to Iceland, it would have been unintelligible. This is shown by the absurd blunders made when Icelanders borrowed names from the O. E. genealogies.

[107] Cf. Olrik, _A. f. n. F._, VIII (N. F. IV), 368-75; and Chadwick, _Origin_, 125-6.

[108] _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXVII, 208 _etc._

[109] _Cotton. Gnomic Verses_, ll. 42-3.

[110] _Fornmannas[o,]gur_, III, 204-228.

[111] Hammershaimb, _Faer[=o]iske Kvoeder_, II, 1855, Nos. 11 and 12.

[112] A. I. Arwidsson, _Svenska Forns[oa]nger_, 1834-42, Nos. 8 and 9.

[113] Boer, _Beowulf_, 177-180.

[114] ll. 1553-6.

[115] l. 455.

[116] The attacks have taken place at Yule for two successive years, exactly as in the _Grettis saga_. [In _Beowulf_ it is, of course, "twelve winters" (l. 147).] Is this mere accident, or does the _Grettis saga_ here preserve the original time limit, which has been exaggerated in _Beowulf_? If so, we have another point of resemblance between the _Saga of Rolf Kraki_ and the earliest version of the _Beowulf_ story.

[117] _Beowulf_, ll. 801-5.

[118] Cf. _Beowulf_, ll. 590-606.

[119] _Beowulf_, l. 679.

[120] _Beowulf_, ll. 1508-9, 1524.

[121] It is only in this adventure that Rolf carries the sword _Gullinhjalti_. His usual sword, as well known as Arthur's Excalibur, was _Skofnungr_. For _Gyldenhilt_, whether descriptive, or proper noun, see _Beowulf_, 1677.

[122] Cf. Symons in _Pauls Grdr._ (2), III, 649: Zuege aus dem anglischen Mythus von B['e]aw-Biar (Biarr oder Bj['a]r?; s. Symons Lieder der Edda, I, 222) wurden auf den daenischen Sagenhelden (Bodhvarr) Bjarki durch Aehnlichkeit der Namen veranlasst, uebertragen. Cf. too, Heusler in _A.f.d. A._ XXX, 32.

[123] See p. 87 and Appendix (A) below.

[124] _Heltedigtning_, I, 1903, 135-6.

[125] _Beowulf_, 1518.

[126] See Heusler in _Z.f.d. A._ XLVIII, 62.

[127] Cf. on this Heusler, _Z.f.d. A._ XLVIII, 64-5.

[128] Cf. _Skjoldunga saga_, cap. XII; and see Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, 201-5; _Bjarka r['i]mur_, VIII.

[129] Similarly _Sk['a]ldskaparm['a]l_, 41 (44).

[130] Baerensohn. Jean l'Ours. The name is given to the group because the hero is frequently (though by no means always) represented as having been brought up in a bear's den. The story summarized above is a portion of Panzer's "Type A." See Appendix (H), below.

[131] ll. 704, 729.

[132] ll. 691-6.

[133] In the _Beowulf_ it was even desirable, as explained above, to go further, and completely to exculpate the Danish watchers.

[134] From the controversial point of view Panzer has no doubt weakened his case by drawing attention to so many of these, probably accidental, coincidences. It gives the critic material for attack (cf. Boer, _Beowulf_, 14)

[135] ll. 2183 _etc._

[136] ll. 408-9.

[137] It comes out strongly in the _Bjarki_-story.

[138] It can hardly be argued that Stein is mentioned because he was an historic character who in some way came into contact with the historic Grettir: for in this case his descent would have been given, according to the usual custom in the sagas. (Cf. note to Boer's edition of _Grettis saga_, p. 233.)

[139] P. E. K. Kaalund, _Bidrag til en historisk-topografisk Beskrivelse af Island_, Kjoebenhavn, 1877, II, 151.

[140] The localization in _en stor sandhaug_ is found in a version of the story to which Panzer was unable to get access (see p. 7 of his _Beowulf_, Note 2). A copy is to be found in the University Library of Christiania, in a small book entitled _Nor, en Billedbog for den norske Ungdom_. Christiania, 1865. (_Norske Folke-Eventyr ... fortalte af P. C. Asbjoernsen_, pp. 65-128.)

The _sandhaug_ is an extraordinary coincidence, if it _is_ a mere coincidence. It cannot have been imported into the modern folk-tale from the _Grettis saga_, for there is no superficial resemblance between the two tales.

[141] Cf. Boer, _Beowulf_, 14.

[142] Yet both Beowulf and Orm are saved by divine help.

[143] Panzer exaggerates the case against his own theory when he quotes only six versions as omitting the princesses (p. 122). Such unanimity as this is hardly to be looked for in a collection of 202 kindred folk-tales. In addition to these six, the princesses are altogether missing, for example, in the versions Panzer numbers 68, 69, 77: they are only faintly represented in other versions (e.g. 76). Nevertheless the rescue of the princesses may be regarded as the most essential element in the tale.

[144] I cannot agree with Panzer when (p. 319) he suggests the possibility of the _Beowulf_ and the _Grettir_-story having been derived independently from the folk-tale. For the two stories have many features in common which do not belong to the folk-tale: apart from the absence of the princesses we have the _haeft-m[=e]ce_ and the strange conclusion drawn by the watchers from the blood-stained water.

[145] Ipse Scef cum uno dromone advectus est in insula Oceani, quae dicitur Scani, armis circundatus, eratque valde recens puer, & ab incolis illius terrae ignotus; attamen ab eis suscipitur, & ut familiarem diligenti animo eum custodierunt, & post in regem eligunt.

Ethelwerdus, III, 3, in Savile's _Rerum Anglicarum Scriptores post Bedam_, Francofurti, 1601, p. 842.

[146] See Chadwick, _Origin_, 259-60.

[147] Sceldius [fuit filius] Sceaf. Iste, ut ferunt, in quandam insulam Germaniae Scandzam, de qua Jordanes, historiographus Gothorum, loquitur, appulsus navi sine remige, puerulus, posito ad caput frumenti manipulo, dormiens, ideoque Sceaf nuncupatus, ab hominibus regionis illius pro miraculo exceptus et sedulo nutritus: adulta aetate regnavit in oppido quod tunc Slaswic, nunc vero Haithebi appellatur. Est autem regio illa Anglia vetus dicta....

William of Malmesbury, _De Gestis Regum Anglorum_. Lib. II, s. 116, vol. I, p. 121, ed. Stubbs, 1887.

[148] Although Saxo Grammaticus has provided some even earlier kings.

[149] Cf. Muellenhoff in _Z.f.d. A._ VII, 413.

[150] In _Gr['i]mnism['a]l_, 54, Odin gives _Gautr_ as one of his names.

[151] See below.

[152] Excluding, of course, the Hebrew names.

[153] _Scyld_ appears as _Scyldwa_, _Sce(a)ldwa_ in the _Chronicle_. The forms correspond.

[154] See Part II.

[155] _armis circundatus_.

[156] For a list of the scholars who have dealt with the subject, see _Widsith_, p. 119.

[157] _Beovulf_, p. 6 _etc._

[158] _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXIV, 259 _etc._

[159] This objection to the Scyld-theory has been excellently expressed by Olrik--at a time, too, when Olrik himself accepted the story as belonging to Scyld rather than Sceaf. "Binz," says Olrik, "rejects William of Malmesbury as a source for the Scyld story. But he has not noticed that in doing so he saws across the branch upon which he himself and the other investigators are sitting. For if William is not a reliable authority, and even a more reliable authority than the others, then 'Scyld with the sheaf' is left in the air." _Heltedigtning_, I, 238-9, note.

[160] The discussion of Skjold by Olrik (_Danmarks Heltedigtning_, I, 223-271) is perhaps the most helpful of any yet made, especially in emphasizing the necessity of differentiating the stages in the story. But it must be taken in connection with the very essential modifications made by Dr Olrik in his second volume (pp. 249-65, especially pp. 264-5). Dr Olrik's earlier interpretation made Scyld the original hero of the story: _Scefing_ Olrik interpreted, not as "with the sheaf," but as "son of Scef." To the objection that any knowledge of Scyld's parentage would be inconsistent with his unknown origin, Olrik replied by supposing that Scyld was a foundling whose origin, though unknown to the people of the land to which he came, was well known to the poet. The poet, Dr Olrik thought, regarded him as a son of the Langobardic king, Sceafa, a connection which we are to attribute to the Anglo-Saxon love of framing genealogies. But this explanation of Scyld Scefing as a human foundling does not seem to me to be borne out by the text of _Beowulf_. "The child is a poor foundling," says Dr Olrik, "_he suffered distress from the time when he was first found as a helpless child_. Only as a grown man did he get compensation for his childhood's adversity" (p. 228). But this is certainly not the meaning of _egsode eorl[as]_. It is "_He inspired the earl[s] with awe_."

[161] See below (App. C) for instances of ancestral names extant both in weak and strong forms, like _Scyld_, _Sceldwa_ (the identity of which no one doubts) or _Sceaf_, _Sceafa_ (the identity of which has been doubted).

[162] "As for the name _Scyldungas-Skjoeldungar_, we need not hesitate to believe that this originally meant 'the people' or 'kinsmen of the shield.' Similar appellations are not uncommon, e.g., _Rondingas_, _Helmingas_, _Brondingas_ ... probably these names meant either 'the people of _the_ shield, _the_ helmet,' _etc._, or else the people who used shields, helmets, _etc._, in some special way. In the former case we may compare the Ancile of the Romans and the Palladion of the Greeks; in either case we may note that occasionally shields have been found in the North which can never have been used except for ceremonial purposes." Chadwick, _Origin_, p. 284: cf. Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, 274.

[163] Sweyn Aageson, _Skiold Danis primum didici praefuisse_, in Langebek, _S. R. D._ I, 44.

[164] Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, 246; Lawrence, _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc._ XXIV, 254.

[165] It is odd that Binz, who has recorded so many of these, should have argued on the strength of these place-names that the Scyld story is not Danish, but an ancient possession of the tribes of the North Sea coast (p. 150). For Binz also records an immense number of names of heroes of alien stock--Danish, Gothic or Burgundian--as occurring in England (_P. B. B._ XX, 202 _etc._).

[166] _Beovulf_, p. 7.

[167] Chadwick, _Origin_, p. 278.

[168] The scandals about King Edgar (_infamias quas post dicam magis resperserunt cantilenae_: see _Gesta Regum Anglorum_, II, s. 148, ed. Stubbs, vol. I, p. 165); the story of Gunhilda, the daughter of Knut, who, married to a foreign King with great pomp and rejoicing, _nostro seculo etiam in triviis cantitata_, was unjustly suspected of unchastity till her English page, in vindication of her honour, slew the giant whom her accusers had brought forward as their champion (_Gesta_, II, s. 188, ed. Stubbs, I, pp. 229, 230); the story of King Edward and the shepherdess, learnt from _cantilenis per successiones temporum detritis_ (_Gesta_, II, s. 138, ed. Stubbs, I, 155). Macaulay in the _Lays of Ancient Rome_ has selected William as a typical example of the historian who draws upon popular song. Cf. Freeman's _Historical Essays_.

[169] Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, 245.

[170] _Origin_, pp. 279-281.

[171] Brand, _Popular Antiquities_, 1813, I, 443.

[172] Henderson, _Folklore of the Northern Counties_, 87-89.

[173] Hone's _Every Day Book_, 1827, p. 1170.

[174] _The Tamar and the Tavy_, I. 330 (1836).

[175] Raymond, _Two men o' Mendip_, 1899, 259.

[176] Miss M. A. Courtney, _Glossary of West Cornwall_; T. Q. Couch, _Glossary of East Cornwall_, s. v. Neck (_Eng. Dial. Soc._ 1880); Jago, _Ancient Language of Cornwall_, 1882, s. v. Anek.

[177] _Notes and Queries_, 4th Ser. XII, 491 (1873).

[178] Holland's _Glossary of Chester_ (_Eng. Dial. Soc._), s.v. _Cutting the Neck._

[179] Burne, _Shropshire Folk Lore_, 1883, 371.

[180] "to cry the Mare." Blount, _Glossographia_, 4th edit. 1674, s.v. _mare_. Cf. _Notes and Queries_, 5th Ser. VI, 286 (1876).

[181] Wright, _Eng. Dial. Dict._, s.v. _neck_.

[182] Frazer, _Spirits of the Corn_, 1912, I, 268. The word was understood as = "neck" by the peasants, because "They'm taied up under the chin laike" (_Notes and Queries_, 5th Ser. X, 51). But this may be false etymology.

[183] Wright, _Eng. Dial. Dict._ Cf. _Notes and Queries_, 5th Ser. X, 51.

[184] _Heltedigtning_, II, 252.

[185] The earliest record of the term "cutting the neck" seems to be found in Randle Holme's _Store House of Armory_, 1688 (II, 73). It may be noted that Holme was a Cheshire man.

[186] Mannhardt, _Mythologische Forschungen_, Strassburg, 1884, 326 _etc._

[187] Quod dum servi Dei propensius actitarent, inspiratum est eis salubre consilium et (ut pium est credere) divinitus provisum. Die etenim statuto mane surgentes monachi sumpserunt scutum rotundum, cui imponebant manipulum frumenti, et super manipulum cereum circumspectae quantitatis et grossitudinis. Quo accenso scutum cum manipulo et cereo, fluvio ecclesiam praetercurrenti committunt, paucis in navicula fratribus subsequentibus. Praecedebat itaque eos scutum et quasi digito demonstrans possessiones domui Abbendoniae de jure adjacentes nunc huc, nunc illuc divertens; nunc in dextra nunc in sinistra parte fiducialiter eos praeibat, usquedum veniret ad rivum prope pratum quod Beri vocatur, in quo cereus medium cursum Tamisiae miraculose deserens se declinavit et circumdedit pratum inter Tamisiam et Gifteleia, quod hieme et multociens aestate ex redundatione Tamisiae in modum insulae aqua circumdatur.

_Chronicon Monasterii de Abingdon_, ed. Stevenson, 1858, vol. I, p. 89.

[188] Chadwick, _Origin_, 278.

[189] Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, II, 251.

[190] But is this so? "The word Saempsae (now saempsykka) 'small rush, _scirpus silvaticus_, forest rush,' is borrowed from the Germanic family (Engl. semse; Germ. simse)." Olrik, 253. But the Engl. "semse" is difficult to track.

See also note by A. Mieler in _Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen_, X, 43, 1910.

[191] Kaarle Krohn, "Sampsa Pellervoinen" in _Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen_ IV, 231 _etc._, 1904.

[192] Cf. Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, II, 252 _etc._.

[193] I do not understand why Olrik (_Heltedigtning_, I, 235) declares the coming to land in Scani (Ethelwerd) to be inconsistent with Sceaf as a Longobardic king (_Widsith_). For, according to their national historian, the Longobardi came from "Scadinavia" [Paul the Deacon, I, 1-7]. It is a more serious difficulty that Paul knows of no Longobardic king with a name which we can equate with Sceaf.

[194] So, corresponding to O. E. _tr[=i]ewe_ we have Icel. _tryggr_; to O. E. _gl[=e]aw_, Icel. _gl[o,]ggr_; O. E. _sc[=u]wa_, Icel. _skugg-_.

[195] Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, II, 1910, pp. 254-5.

An account of the worship of Pekko will be found in _Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen_, VI, 1906, pp. 104-111: _Ueber den Pekokultus bei den Setukesen_, by M. J. Eisen. See also Appendix (A) below.

Pellon-Pecko is mentioned by Michael Agricola, Bishop of [oA]bo, in his translation of the Psalter into Finnish, 1551. It is here that we are told that he "promoted the growth of barley."

[196] l. 15.

[197] That Heremod is a Danish king is clear from ll. 1709 _etc._ And as we have all the stages in the Scylding genealogy from Scyld to Hrothgar, Heremod must be placed earlier.

[198] Of Grein in _Eberts Jahrbuch_, IV, 264.

[199] A good example of this is supplied by the Assyrian records, which make Jehu a son of Omri--whose family he had destroyed.

[200] This reconstruction is made by Sievers in the _Berichte d. k. saechs. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften_, 1895, pp. 180-88.

[201] The god _Herm['o]dhr_ who rides to Hell to carry a message to the dead Baldr is here left out of consideration. His connection with the king _Herm['o]dhr_ is obscure.

[202] On this see Dederich, _Historische u. geographische Studien_, 214; Heinzel in _A.f.d. A._ XV, 161; Chadwick, _Origin_, 148; Chadwick, _Cult of Othin_, 51.

[203] Chadwick, _Cult of Othin_, pp. 50, _etc._

[204] _puerulus ... pro miraculo exceptus_ (William of Malmesbury). Cf. _Beowulf_, l. 7. In Saxo, Skjold distinguishes himself at the age of fifteen.

[205] _omnem Alemannorum gentem tributaria ditione perdomuit._ Cf. _Beowulf_, l. 11.

[206] See above, p. 77.

[207] This relationship of Frothi and Skjold is preserved by Sweyn Aageson: Skiold Danis primum didici praefuisse.... A quo primum.... Skioldunger sunt Reges nuncupati. Qui regni post se reliquit haeredes Frothi videlicet & Haldanum. Svenonis Aggonis _Hist. Regum Dan._ in Langebek, _S. R. D._ I, 44.

In Saxo Frotho is not the son, but the great grandson of Skioldus--but this is a discrepancy which may be neglected, because it seems clear that the difference is due to Saxo having inserted two names into the line at this point--those of Gram and Hadding. There seems no reason to doubt that Danish tradition really represented Frothi as son of Skjold.

[208] Those who accept the identification would regard _Fr['o]dhi_ (O. E. _Fr[=o]da_, 'the wise') as a title which has ousted the proper name.

[209] Boer, _Ark. f. nord. filol._, XIX, 67, calls this theory of Sievers "indisputable."

[210] Sievers, p. 181.

[211] _Beowulf_, 2405. Cf. 2215, 2281.

[212] So Regin guides Sigurd: Una the Red Cross Knight. The list might be indefinitely extended. Similarly with giants: "Then came to him a husbandman of the country, and told him how there was in the country of Constantine, beside Brittany, a great giant".... _Morte d'Arthur_, Book V, cap. V.

[213] _Beowulf_, 895.

[214] l. 2338.

[215] ll. 2570 _etc._

[216] intrepidum mentis habitum retinere memento.

[217] ll. 2663 _etc._

[218] Cf. _Beowulf_, 2705: _forwr[=a]t Wedra helm wyrm on middan_.

[219] Cf. _Cotton. Gnomic verses_, ll. 26-7: _Draca sceal on hl[=ae]we: fr[=o]d, fraetwum wlanc._

[220] virusque profundens: _wearp wael-f[=y]re_, 2582.

[221]

implicitus gyris serpens crebrisque reflexus orbibus et caudae sinuosa volumina ducens multiplicesque agitans spiras.

Cf. _Beowulf_, 2567-8, 2569, 2561 (_hring-boga_), 2827 (_w[=o]hbogen_).

[222] _Volosp['a]_, 172-3 in _Corpus Poeticum Boreale_. I, 200.

[223] Cf. on this Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, 305-15.

[224] Panzer, _Beowulf_, 313.

[225] A further and more specific parallel between Lotherus and Heremod has been pointed out by Sarrazin (_Anglia_, XIX, 392). It seems from _Beowulf_ that Heremod went into exile (ll. 1714-15), and apparently _mid Eotenum_ (l. 902) which (in view of the use of the word _Eotena_, _Eotenum_, in the _Finnsburg_ episode) very probably means "among the Jutes." A late Scandinavian document tells us that _Lotherus ... superatus in Jutiam profugit_ (Messenius, _Scondia illustrata_, printed 1700, but written about 1620).

[226] Pointed out by Panzer. A possible parallel to the old man who hides his treasure is discussed by Bugge and Olrik in _Dania_, I, 233-245 (1890-92).

[227] Cf. Ettmueller, _Scopas and Boceras_, 1850, p. ix; _Carmen de Beovvulfi rebus gestis_, 1875, p. iii.

[228] _P. B. B._ XI, 167-170.

[229] Sarrazin, _Der Schauplatz des ersten Beowulfliedes_ (_P. B. B._ XI, 170 _etc._); Sievers, _Die Heimat des Beowulfdichters_ (_P. B. B._ XI, 354 _etc._); Sarrazin, _Altnordisches im Beowulfliede_ (_P. B. B._ XI, 528 _etc._); Sievers, _Altnordisches im Beowulf?_ (_P. B. B._ XII, 168 _etc._)

[230] _Beovulf-Studien_, 68.

[231] Sarrazin has countered this argument by urging that since the present day Swedes and Danes have better manners than the English, they therefore presumably had better manners already in the eighth century. I admit the premises, but deny the deduction.

[232] Sedgefield, _Beowulf_ (1st ed.), p. 27.

[233] Schueck, _Studier i Beovulfsagan_, 41.

[234] The brief _Fata Apostolorum_ is doubted by Sievers (_Anglia_, XIII, 24).

[235] Two of these occur twice: _h[=a]tan heolfre_, 1423, 849; _n[=i]owan stefne_, 1789, 2594; the rest once only, 141, 561, 963, 977, 1104, 1502, 1505, 1542, 1746, 2102, 2290, 2347, 2440, 2482, 2492, 2692. See Barnouw, 51.

[236] 74, 99, 122, 257, 390, 412.

[237] _Christ_, 510.

[238] Lichtenheld omits 2011, _se m[=ae]ra mago Healfdenes_, inserting instead 1474, where the same phrase occurs, but with a vocative force.

[239] 758, 813, 2011, 2587, 2928, 2971, 2977, 3120.

[240] 1199.

[241] 102, 713, 919, 997, 1016, 1448, 1984, 2255, 2264, 2675, 3024, 3028, 3097.

[242] Saintsbury in _Short History of English Literature_, I. 3.

[243] Morsbach, 270.

[244] Morsbach, 271.

[245] Chadwick, _Heroic Age_, 4.

[246] "Thus in place of the expression _to widan feore_ we find occasionally _widan feore_ in the same sense, and even in _Beowulf_ we meet with _widan feorh_, which is not improbably the oldest form of the phrase. Before the loss of the final _-u_ it [_widan feorhu_] would be a perfectly regular half verse, but the operation of this change would render it impossible and necessitate the substitution of a synonymous expression. In principle, it should be observed, the assumption of such substitutions seems to be absolutely necessary, unless we are prepared to deny that any old poems or even verses survived the period of apocope." Chadwick, _Heroic Age_, pp. 46-7.

[247] _Heroic Age_, 46.

[248] Birch, _Cart. Sax._ No. 81. See Morsbach, 260.

[249] The most important examples being _breguntford_ (Birch, _Cart. Sax._ No. 115, dating between 693 and 731; perhaps 705): _heffled_ in the life of St Gregory written by a Whitby monk apparently before 713: _-gar_ on the Bewcastle Column, earlier than the end of the first quarter of the eighth century and perhaps much earlier: and many names in _ford_ and _feld_ in the Moore MS of Bede's _Ecclesiastical History_ (a MS written about 737).

[250] An English Miscellany presented to Dr Furnivall, 370.

[251] Grienberger, _Anglia_, XXVII, 448.

[252] i.e. _flodu ahof_ might stand for _fl[=o]d u[p] [)a]h[=o]f_, as is suggested by Chadwick, _Heroic Age_, 69.

[253] In the Franks casket _b_ already appears as _f_, and the _n_ of _sefu_, "seven," has been lost.

[254] Birch, _Cart. Sax._ No. 45.

[255] Chadwick, _Heroic Age_, 67: "In personal names we must clearly allow for traditional orthography." Morsbach admits this in another connection (p. 259).

[256] Luebke's preface to Muellenhoff's _Beovulf_. Both the tendencies specially associated with Muellenhoff's name--the "mythologizing" and the "dissecting"--are due to the influence of Lachmann. It must be frankly admitted that on these subjects Muellenhoff did not begin his studies with an open mind.

[257] "Es ist einfach genug"--_Beovulf_, 110.

[258] Moeller, _V. E._ 140: cf. Schuecking, _B. R._ 14.

[259] Earle, _Deeds of Beowulf_, xlix (an excellent criticism of Muellenhoff).

[260] Heusler, _Lied u. Epos_, 26.

[261] _Epic and Romance_, Chap. II, s. 2.

[262] _Ballad and Epic_, 311-12.

[263] _Beowulfs Rueckkehr_, 1905.

[264] e.g. _Genesis_.

[265] Chap. IV, pp. 29-33.

[266] Chap. V, pp. 34-41.

[267] Chap. VI, cf. esp. p. 50.

[268] In the portion which Schuecking excludes, we twice have _g[=ae]dh_ = _g[=a]idh_ (2034, 2055). Elsewhere in the _Return_ we have _d[=o]n_ = _d[=o]an_ (2166) whilst _fr[=e]a_ (1934), _Hondsci[=o]_ (2076) need to be considered.

[269] 2069.

[270] 2093.

[271] _Satzverknuepfung im Beowulf_, 139.

[272] _Th[=y]l[=ae]s_ = "lest" (1918); _ac_ in direct question (1990); _th[=a]_ occurring unsupported late in the sentence (2192); _forth[=a]m_ (1957) [see Sievers in _P. B. B._ XXIX, 313]; _sw[=a]_ = "since," "because" (2184). But Schuecking admits in his edition two other instances of _forth[=a]m_ (146 and 2645), so this can hardly count.

[273] _h[=y]rde ic_ as introducing a statement, 62, 2163, 2172; _sidh dhan [=ae]rest_, 6, 1947.

[274] A similar use of _th[=a]_, 1078, 1988; cf. 1114, 1125, 2135.

[275] _haebbe_, 1928; _g[=e]ong_, 2019.

[276] _thurfe_, 2495.

[277] Schuecking, Chap. VIII.

[278] Cf. Brandl in Herrigs _Archiv_, CXV, 421 (1905).

[279] e.g. Blackburn in _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XII, 204-225; Bradley in the _Encyc. Brit._ III, 760; Chadwick, _H. A._ 49; Clarke, _Sidelights_, 10.

[280] Chadwick, in _Cambridge History_, I, 30.

[281] We may refer especially to the account of Attila's funeral given by Jordanes. [Mr Chadwick's note.]

[282] Chadwick in _The Heroic Age_, 53.

[283] It is adopted, e.g., by Clarke, _Sidelights_, 8.

[284] Yet this is very doubtful: see Leeds, _Archaeology_, 27, 74.

[285] Notably in Book VIII (ed. Holder, 264) and Book III (ed. Holder, 74).

[286] 'Fasta fornlaemningar i Beowulf,' in _Ant. Tidskrift foer Sverige_, XVIII, 4, 64.

[287] See Schuecking, _Das angelsaechsische Totenklaglied_, in _Engl. Stud._ XXXIX, 1-13.

[288] Blackburn, in _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ Cf. Hart, _Ballad and Epic_, 175.

[289] Clark Hall, xlvii.

[290] Blackburn, as above, p. 126.

[291] Chadwick, in _Cambridge History_, I, 30.

[292] Clark Hall, xlvii. See, to the contrary, Klaeber in _Anglia_, XXXVI, 196.

[293] This point is fully developed by Brandl, 1002-3. As Brandl points out, if we want to find a parallel to the hero Beowulf, saving his people from their temporal and ghostly foes, we must look, not to the other heroes of Old English heroic poetry, such as Waldhere or Hengest, but to Moses in the Old English _Exodus_. [Since this was written the essentially Christian character of _Beowulf_ has been further, and I think finally, demonstrated by Klaeber, in the last section of his article on _Die Christlichen Elemente im Beowulf_, in _Anglia_, XXXVI; see especially 194-199.]

[294] Cf. _Beowulf_, ll. 180 _etc._

[295] Bradley, in _Encyc. Brit._

[296] Bradley, in _Encyc. Brit._ III, 760-1.

[297] Blackburn, 218.

[298] See Finnur J['o]nsson, _Den Norsk-Islandske Skjaldedigtning_, B. ii. 473-4.

[299] MS A, followed by Magn['u]sson, makes Glam _bl['a]eygdhr_, "blue-eyed": Boer reads _gr['a]eygdhr_, considering grey a more uncanny colour.

[300] MS A has _fon^m_ or _fen^m_, it is difficult to tell which. Magn['u]sson reads _fenum_, "morasses."

[301] Immediately inside the door of the Icelandic dwelling was the _anddyri_ or vestibule. For want of a better word, I translate _anddyri_ by "porch": but it is a porch inside the building. Opening out of this 'porch' were a number of rooms. Chief among which were the _sk['a]li_ or "hall," and the _stufa_ or "sitting room," the latter reached by a passage (_g[o,]ng_). These were separated from the "porch" by panelling. In the struggle with Glam, Grettir is lying in the hall (_sk['a]li_), but the panelling has all been broken away from the great cross-beam to which it was fixed. Grettir consequently sees Glam enter the outer door; Glam turns to the _sk['a]li_, and glares down it, leaning over the cross-beam; then enters the hall, and the struggle begins. See Gudhmundssen (V.), _Privatbolegen p[oa] Island i Sagatiden_, 1889.

[302] The partition beams (_set-stokkar_) stood between the middle of the _sk['a]li_ or hall and the planked dais which ran down each side. The strength of the combatants is such that the _stokkar_ give way. Grettir gets no footing to withstand Glam till they reach the outer-door. Here there is a stone set in the ground, which apparently gives a better footing for a push than for a pull. So Grettir changes his tactics, gets a purchase on the stone, and at the same time pushes against Glam's breast, and so dashes Glam's head and shoulders against the lintel of the outer-door.

[303] So MS 551 a. Magn['u]sson reads _dvaldist thar_ "he stayed there."

[304] Meaning that an attack by the evil beings would at least break the monotony.