229. T'águñótal P'a Sän--Cheyenne dance 379 · Part 3

In late raids into Texas several of the Comanche had been killed by the hated Tonkawa, a small cannibal tribe, in their capacity of government scouts (see the calendar, 1873-74). The wailing laments of the Comanche women for their dead, and their appeals for vengeance, urged the warriors to go down once more into Texas and exterminate the remnants of the man-eaters who had escaped the massacre of twelve years before. To add to their discontent, a lawless band of hunters organized in Dodge City, Kansas, had, in the spring of 1873, established an adobe fort, known as the "Adobe Walls," on the South Canadian, in the panhandle of Texas, from which headquarters they were making inroads on the guaranteed hunting grounds of the Indians and were slaughtering the buffalo by thousands, in defiance of the government promises that such intrusion would be prevented. It was also charged that they directly incited disorder by selling whisky, arms, and ammunition to the Indians in return for stolen stock. In his official report on the outbreak, General Pope states emphatically that the unlawful intrusion and criminal conduct of the white hunters were the principal cause of the war (_War, 1_). This is confirmed by the testimony of white men employed at the Cheyenne agency at the time, who stated to the author that just before going out the Cheyenne chiefs rode down and assured them that they need have no fear, as the Indians considered them as friends and would not molest them, but were compelled to fight the buffalo hunters, who were destroying their means of subsistence. "Then they shook hands with us and rode off and began killing people."

Shortly before this the son and nephew of Lone-wolf, the principal chief of the Kiowa, had been killed in Mexico. He went down with a party in the summer of 1874 and buried their bodies, making a solemn vow at the same time to kill a white man in retaliation, and thus communicating to his people the bitterness which he felt himself (see the calendar, 1873-74). Lone-wolf is described by Battey about this time as being several years older than Kicking-bird, not so far seeing, more hasty and rash in his conclusions, as well as more treacherous and cunning, but with less depth of mind. He was the acknowledged leader of the war element in the tribe.

While lawless white men were thus destroying the buffalo, the Indians themselves were suffering for food. The agent for the Cheyenne reports that for nearly four months preceding the outbreak the rations had fallen short, and expresses the opinion that if there had been a full supply he could have held the tribe from the warpath. At the same time they were being systematically robbed of their stock by organized bands of horse thieves. The immediate cause of the outbreak by the Cheyenne in May, 1874, was the stealing by these men of forty-three valuable ponies belonging to the chief, Little-robe. In attempting to recover them Little-robe's son was dangerously wounded, in revenge for which the Cheyenne soon after killed a member of a surveying party in the Kiowa country and at once began open hostilities (_Report, 34_; _Battey, 4_).

[Illustration: Photo by Bell, 1888

FIG. 51--Gui-pägo or Lone-wolf, present head-chief of the Kiowa]

Agent Miles thus tersely sums up the provocation:

The lack of power to administer the law--to remove improper characters from this reservation, to break up the various bands of dissolute white men, horse and cattle thieves, known to be operating in our vicinity--is the prime cause that may be assigned for the serious outbreak among the Cheyennes on this reservation. As elsewhere stated, the Cheyennes and Arapahoes were assured by the President, on their recent visit to Washington, that improper white men and buffalo hunters should be kept from their country at all hazards, and they very naturally expected that some effort would be made to keep that promise; but they have looked in vain, and the Cheyennes, being the most restless of the two tribes, grew tired and endeavored to avenge their own wrongs. The result of such a proceeding could have but one ending, and that was to bring them into conflict with the general government (_Report, 35_).

THE COMANCHE MEDICINE-MAN

At this critical juncture a young medicine-man named Ĭ´sätaí arose among the Kwáhadi Comanche--the wildest and most intractable portion of the tribe--with claims of supernatural powers. He asserted his ability to cure all diseases and to restore the dead to life, and said that he had been taken up repeatedly into the home of the Father of the Indians, above the sun and far above the abode of the white man's God, and that there he had been given control of the elements, with power to send rain, wind, thunder, lightning, or drought upon the earth as he pleased. What was most to the purpose, he promised to protect all who should believe in him, as he could produce cartridges in unlimited quantities from his stomach for his friends, and could so influence the guns of the whites, and particularly of the soldiers, that they would not shoot Indians, even though the latter stood in front of the muzzles. It was the old story of the Indian medicine-man that has been familiar from the time of the Shawano prophet to the messiah of the ghost dance.

His words created great excitement among the Comanche, nearly all of whom believed him. Some of his deluded followers asserted that they had themselves seen him ascend into the sky and again descend to earth, and at another time had seen him produce from his stomach nearly a wagon load of cartridges. Finally he commanded the tribe to assemble in May, 1874, at the junction of Elk creek (_Donä´i P'a_, "Pecan river") with the North fork of Red river, to see the proofs of his mission and to hear his message to the people. So great an impression had his fame produced by this time that even the friendly chiefs attended, as well as the main body of the Cheyenne and a part of the Kiowa. This was a new departure for the Comanche, who, according to all authorities, had never before "made medicine" as a tribe (_Report, 36_; _Battey, 5_).

On assembling at the designated spot the Indians were harangued by the medicine-man, who told them that their god commanded them to avenge their murdered kindred. Accordingly a party was made up to go to Texas and kill the Tonkawa, who, as has been stated, were cannibals, for which reason, and for the additional one that they constantly served as scouts against the other Indians, they were regarded with common hatred by all the tribes. Learning of the proposed expedition, Agent Haworth warned the commander of Fort Griffin, near which post the Tonkawa were located, who had them removed to the post for safety. This being reported to the confederate tribes by their spies, they changed their program and decided to go out on the plains and kill the buffalo hunters at Adobe Walls.

Finding that the whole purpose of the gathering was warlike, those who desired to avoid trouble determined to return to the agency, but found that such a move had been anticipated by the hostiles, who declared that they would prevent any return, even if they had to kill the ponies of the friendlies to do it. Notwithstanding, a number of the Comanche, chiefly of the Penätĕka band, made the attempt and succeeded in getting away to the agency. The main body of the tribe, the warlike Kwáhadi, and all the Cheyenne, decided for war (_Report, 37_). A few of the Kiowa were also among them, but as yet only one chief, Woman-heart, had smoked the war-pipe with the Comanche and Cheyenne, the rest of the tribe being still near the agency (_Battey, 6_). During all the subsequent troubles the Apache remained quiet and peaceable in the friendly camp at Fort Sill.

APACHE AND ARAPAHO FRIENDLINESS

During the whole period of the outbreak the Arapaho also remained loyal and friendly, in accordance with their treaty pledges and their general character, although the Cheyenne, with whom they were confederated, were the most determined of the hostiles. As soon as it became manifest that trouble was at hand, the Arapaho came in to the agency of the two tribes at Darlington to warn the agent and his employés, and, as a proof of their friendship, furnished an Indian police force, who stood guard over the agency every night until all danger was past. The sole exception to their uniform friendly conduct was the assassination of an employé named Frank Hollowell (or Holloway), in July, 1874, by two young Arapaho, the principal of whom was afterward convicted of the crime and died in prison. This was the only hostile act committed at the Cheyenne and Arapaho agency during the outbreak (_Report, 38_).

FURTHER DEFIANCE

The hostile Comanche and Kiowa now began to steal stock from around the agency at Fort Sill, and in response to a message sent to their camp by the agent, defiantly replied that they would not return the stock now, but would keep it to make peace with when they came back in the fall. They added that they would not molest the agency further if not interfered with by the soldiers, but if the soldiers came upon them they intended to come in and kill anyone they met (_Battey, 7_).

One or two trifling encounters occurred in May between the troops and Indians, presumably Comanche and Kiowa, in western Texas, and others more serious in June farther north, in Indian Territory and the adjoining part of Kansas, the Indians concerned being probably chiefly Cheyenne.

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXI

PHOTO ENG CO. N. Y.

PHOTO BY LANNEY 1892

QUANAH PARKER, PRINCIPAL CHIEF OF THE COMANCHE]

BATTLE OF ADOBE WALLS

In the latter part of June, 1874, the confederated Comanche, Cheyenne, and Kiowa made a combined attack upon the buffalo hunters intrenched in the fort of the Adobe Walls, on South Canadian river, in the Texas panhandle. The engagement began about the 27th, and continued several days, the Indians attacking with desperate courage, urged on by their medicine-man, who had assured them that the bullets of the whites could not hurt them. The hunters, however, had a small field cannon, and with this, protected as they were by the solid walls of adobe, they finally compelled the Indians to withdraw with considerable loss. The medicine-man excused the result on the ground that his medicine was for guns and not for cannon. The combined force was led by Quanah, the present noted head chief of the Comanche, who informed the author that he had seven hundred warriors in the fight, but added sententiously, "No use Indians fight adobe." The result convinced him of the falsity of the claims of medicine-men, against whom he has ever since used his powerful influence in his tribe. Finding their position untenable without military protection, which was refused by the general commanding the department, the buffalo hunters soon afterward abandoned the fort. The location is known among the Kiowa as "The place where Quanah led his confederates" (see _Report, 39_; _War, 2_; Record, 2).

On July 3 a small wagon train in charge of Patrick Hennessey and three other men, loaded with supplies from Wichita, Kansas, for the Wichita agency at Anadarko, was attacked by Cheyenne on the trail where now stands the town of Hennessey, Oklahoma. The four white men were killed and scalped, the stores and mules taken, and the wagons burned. Hennessey was tortured by being tied to a wagon wheel and burned upon a pile of grain taken from his own wagon. This last deed was the work of some Osage who came up while the Cheyenne were still there, and who secured the larger share of the plunder. These same Osage were ostensibly friends of the whites, and had completely deceived their agent and missionary into the belief that they were doing all in their power to quiet the hostile tribes. The bodies of three of the men killed were buried by a neighboring ranchman, who had warned them of their danger only a few hours before, and unsuccessfully endeavored to persuade them to turn back. Hennessey's remains were buried two days later by a party under agent Miles(_Battey, 8_; _Report, 40_).

FRIENDLIES COLLECTED AT FORT SILL

By this time the Cheyenne agency at Darlington was closely surrounded by bands of hostiles. Arming a small force of employés, the agent proceeded north to Wichita, Kansas, for assistance, after sending a courier through by night to Colonel Davidson at Fort Sill for temporary aid. That officer promptly sent a troop of cavalry, which, however, was intercepted at the Wichita agency (Anadarko), then threatened by the Kiowa and Comanche. In response to the appeals of Agent Miles, a sufficient force of cavalry and infantry was sent from Fort Leavenworth to protect the Darlington agency. As soon as it had appeared that war was inevitable, Whirlwind, head chief of the tribe, with his band of Cheyenne, had moved into the agency, where he remained steadfastly peaceable. White-shield also ranged himself on the side of peace, and consented to carry a message to the hostile camp, as a result of which Little-robe and a number of others broke away at night and came into the agency, being compelled to abandon their tipis and most of their household goods to effect their escape (_Report, 41_).

The Kiowa medicine dance, which was held usually in June, had been postponed on account of the absence of Lone-wolf, who had gone to Texas after the bodies of his son and nephew. On his return it was held at a point on the North fork of Red river (see the calendar, 1874), being attended in force by the Comanche and Cheyenne, who made a strong effort to engage the Kiowa in the war. The dance closed on the 3d of July, when a small minority, led by Lone-wolf and Swan, decided for war and joined the hostiles, but the majority, under Kicking-bird, declared for peace and came in to the agency at Fort Sill. Here the friendly Indians of the different tribes belonging to the agency--Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache--were directed to encamp together on Cache creek, where they were enrolled by order of Colonel Davidson, after which none were to be allowed to come in and join the camp of the friendlies without surrendering their arms and obtaining a guarantee from the agent that they were guiltless of hostile acts. Similar orders were carried out in regard to the Indians of the Wichita agency at Anadarko. The enrollment showed four-fifths of the Kiowa among the friendlies, although, as the agent remarks, doubtless some of them did not deserve the name. With some inconsistency, Lone-wolf sent a message declaring his desire for peace and asking permission to come in to the friendly camp; but, as he was considered the leader and one of the most guilty of the hostiles, his request was refused. In the meantime orders had been issued from the War Department, on July 21, authorizing the military to punish the hostiles wherever found, even to pursuing them upon their reservations. General Pope, commanding the department, at once set the troops in motion, and a vigorous campaign began from the north and south of the exposed territory.

FIGHT AT ANADARKO, THE WICHITA AGENCY

Late in August a band of Nokoni Comanche came into the camp of friendly Comanche at the Wichita agency (Anadarko), desiring to remain. Colonel Davidson, commanding at Fort Sill, went over with a detachment of troops to receive their surrender. They agreed to give up their arms, and had already delivered a number of guns and pistols, when a question arose as to the bows and arrows, and a messenger was sent to the commanding officer to decide the matter. While the messenger was gone, the chief, Red-food, gave a whoop--whether as a battle signal or merely to call another chief, is a disputed point--and was immediately fired upon by the guard. Lone-wolf and his Kiowa were on the ground and at once opened fire on the troops. A general fight ensued (August 22), the excitement being intense, as it happened to be ration day and nearly all the Indians of the Wichita agency were present--Caddo, Wichita, Delaware, and Pawnee--as well as a large number of the Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache of the other agency. Runners hurried to all the camps with the news that the troops were killing the Indians; but, notwithstanding, the fighting was confined to the Kiowa and Comanche, who attacked the agency, burning the schoolhouse, sacking Shirley's trading store, burning several houses of the friendly Indians, killing at least four citizens, and wounding several soldiers.

While some fled to places of safety, others kept up the attack until next day, when, failing in a final attempt to take and burn the agency, they withdrew. According to the statement of the Indians, they lost two men and one woman killed and a few wounded. A part of the Kiowa engaged had been enrolled at Fort Sill among the friendlies, but had gone without permission to the Wichita agency some days before. Some of the Comanche who fled at the time of the fight came in soon after and reported to Colonel Davidson, and, on being assured that no harm was intended them, returned with him to the friendly camp at Fort Sill. In regard to this encounter, the Comanche disclaimed any hostile intention at the start, and the fact that they had voluntarily come in and surrendered their guns would show that it was the result of a panic arising from a misunderstanding (see the calendar; also _Report, 42_; _Battey, 9_; _Record, 3_).

As showing the moral effect of a knowledge of the power of the white man, it is worthy of record that only one of the Kiowa delegates to Washington in 1872 joined the hostiles, that one, Lone-wolf, being avowedly incited to his course by a thirst for vengeance for his son (_Report, 43_). As a commentary on the treatment frequently accorded "friendlies" during an outbreak, it may also be noted that the enrolled Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache were located two miles from Fort Sill, where Texas horse thieves stole over nineteen hundred of their animals within a year, while they themselves were kept almost at starvation point by the contractor's failure to supply their rations. Notwithstanding these discouragements they continued loyal, and sent as many of their children to school as could be accommodated (_Battey, 10_).

After the fight at the Wichita agency most of the Kiowa and Comanche concerned fled to the Staked plain, where the hostiles made their chief headquarters. Some others not already enrolled now came in and asked permission to join the friendly camp. Set-t'aiñte, Big-tree, Woman-heart, and Poor-buffalo (Pá-tádal, "Lean-buffalo-bull"), who had been enrolled at the beginning, but had gone without permission to the Washita and fled from there at the time of the fight, came in soon after to the Cheyenne agency at Darlington and surrendered with a large number of their people, saying that they were tired of war, but did not like Fort Sill. As it was believed that they had taken part in hostilities, they were not allowed again to resume their position as friendlies, but were sent back as prisoners of war to Fort Sill, where their arms and horses were taken from them and the men were imprisoned, the chiefs being put in irons. Soon afterward Set-t'aiñte was returned to the Texas penitentiary (_Report, 44_).

SET-T'AIÑTE

Set-t'aiñte, "White-bear," better known as Satanta, who was thus finally removed from the field of action, is one of the most prominent men in Kiowa history, being noted among the most daring and successful warriors of the tribe, while in authority he held the rank of second chief, standing next after Lone-wolf. He has already been mentioned as a leading chief in 1864. His eloquence and vigor of expression in his native language, a peculiarly forcible one, had gained for him the title of the "Orator of the Plains." Every line of his strongly marked features showed the character of the man--a brave, forceful, untamable savage (figure 45). The persistent efforts of the Kiowa to secure his release prove the estimation in which he was held by his tribe. He came early into prominence and was one of the signers of the treaty of 1867, his name being second on the list. His seizure by General Custer the next year, in order to compel the Kiowa to come into the reservation, and his subsequent release, have been narrated. His arrest in 1871 for being concerned in an attack upon a wagon train in Texas, the commutation of the death sentence, and his release by the state authorities in 1873, have also been noted in the proper place.

He was still, however, considered as a hostage for the good conduct of his people, and subject to rearrest whenever they became troublesome. As was almost inevitable, he became involved in the outbreak of the succeeding year, although apparently more by accident than deliberate purpose, and on coming in to Cheyenne agency with others in the fall of 1874 he was again arrested and turned over to the military authorities and by them sent back to the state penitentiary at Huntsville, Texas, to serve out his life sentence (_Report, 45_). When informed by Horace P. Jones, the government interpreter at Fort Sill, that he was to be returned to prison, he expressed himself bitterly, claiming that he had kept his parole and that there were others far more guilty than he. What affected him most was the entire separation from his people. He was taken back to prison in November, 1874, and four years later, refusing to live longer in confinement, he committed suicide by throwing himself from an upper story of the prison, October 11, 1878 (_Whatley letter_).

Set-t'aiñte, whose name among the Kiowa is still one to conjure by, first acquired his title of "Orator of the Plains" in connection with the events which led to the treaty of Medicine Lodge, in 1867. He was already sufficiently distinguished among his own people as a leader on the warpath. In May preceding the treaty he visited Fort Larned, and, confronting General Hancock, he denounced agent Leavenworth and complained of the aggressions of the white men in a fiery speech, which is described as a masterly effort, from its opening, when he called the sun to witness that he would "talk straight," to the close, when, looking around over the prairie, he said that it was large and good, and declared that he did not want it stained with blood.

A few months later he escorted General Harney and the commissioners from the post to the spot where the Indians were gathering for the treaty. In spite of stringent orders before starting, the soldiers and camp followers soon began an indiscriminate slaughter of the buffalo along the line of march. As described by a correspondent--

They recklessly shot down the buffalo, simply that they might boast of it. After cutting out their tongues, they left the carcasses where they fell. The reader will readily perceive that when the Indians complain at every council of the decrease of the buffalo, such wanton waste of good meat could not be a pleasing sight to the greatest chief on the American plains. Satanta, never backward in speech, resented in strong terms the shooting of his game on his own ground. Said he, while his eyes flashed and his lips curled with scorn: "Has the white man become a child, that he should recklessly kill and not eat? When the red men slay game, they do so that they may live and not starve." Sound logic! Only persons devoid of sense or honor could have been guilty of such conduct in the enemy's country, especially when the commissioners were endeavoring to conciliate them with presents and reconcile them to the propositions about to be propounded.

The protest had its effect, no more shooting was allowed, and those responsible for the outrage were placed under arrest.

On behalf of the confederate tribes, he made the leading speech in reply to the commissioners. It is thus given by the correspondent of the New York Times:

"You, the commissioners, have come from afar to listen to our grievances. My heart is glad, and I shall hide nothing from you. I understood that you were coming down to see us. I moved away from those disposed for war, and I also came along to see you. The Kiowas and Comanches have not been fighting. We were away down south when we heard, you were coming to see us. The Cheyennes are those who have been fighting with you. They did it in broad daylight so that all could see them. If I had been fighting I would have done it by day and not in the dark. Two years ago I made peace with Generals Harney, Sanborn, and Colonel Leavenworth at the mouth of the Little Arkansas. That peace I have never broken. When the grass was growing in the spring, a large body of soldiers came along on the Santa Fé road. I had not done anything and therefore I was not afraid. All the chiefs of the Kiowas, Comanches, and Arapahos are here today; they have come to listen to good words.

We have been waiting here a long time to see you and are getting tired. All the land south of the Arkansas belongs to the Kiowas and Comanches, and I don't want to give away any of it. I love the land and the buffalo and will not part with it. I want you to understand well what I say. Write it on paper. Let the Great Father see it, and let me hear what he has to say. I want you to understand also, that the Kiowas and Comanches don't want to fight, and have not been fighting since we made the treaty. I hear a great deal of good talk from the gentlemen whom the Great Father sends us, but they never do what they say. I don't want any of the medicine lodges [schools and churches] within the country. I want the children raised as I was. When I make peace, it is a long and lasting one--there is no end to it. We thank you for your presents. All the headmen and braves are happy. They will do what you want them, for they know you are doing the best you can.

I and they will do our best also. When I look upon you, I know you are all big chiefs. While you are in this country we go to sleep happy and are not afraid. I have heard that you intend to settle us on a reservation near the mountains. I don't want to settle. I love to roam over the prairies. There I feel free and happy, but when we settle down we grow pale and die. I have laid aside my lance, bow, and shield, and yet I feel safe in your presence. I have told you the truth. I have no little lies hid about me, but I don't know how it is with the commissioners. Are they as clear as I am? A long time ago this land belonged to our fathers; but when I go up to the river I see camps of soldiers on its banks. These soldiers cut down my timber; they kill my buffalo; and when I see that, my heart feels like bursting; I feel sorry. I have spoken."

The above is a plain unvarnished statement of facts, such as no Indian on the plains could produce but Satanta. It must be remembered that in cunning or native diplomacy Satanta has no equal. In worth and influence Red Cloud is his rival; but in boldness, daring, and merciless cruelty Satanta is far superior, and yet there are some good points in this dusky chieftain which command admiration. If a white man does him an injury, he never forgives him; but if on the other hand the white man has done him a service, death can alone prevent him from paying the debt. The speech of Satanta caused the commissioners to look rather blank, and when he pictured in his usual graphic manner how he loved his land, his buffalo, and his traditions, there was a world of feeling in his tones, betraying his knowledge of the vast difference between the power of the aggressive pale face and his waning race. A certain dim foreboding of the Indian's fate swept across his mind, and in its passage lit his eyes up with a fierce light, and his voice rose to a pitch of frenzy as he exclaimed: "We don't want to settle--I love to roam over the prairie; there I am free and happy."

His farewell speech, to the commissioners at the conclusion of the treaty is thus noted in the same newspaper:

On this occasion the old chief was accompanied by one hundred of the principal warriors of the Kiowa tribe; and immediately after its close, this tribe, as well as the Comanches, struck camp and left for the Cimarron River in the south. He spoke with a gravity and earnestness that added force to his words. "If," said he, "the treaty bring prosperity to us, we of course will like it the better. If it bring prosperity or adversity, we will not abandon it." He alluded delicately to the fact that the white man often forgot to keep his treaties with the Indian; and then at the close, referring to the treaty just made, he rose to the heights of friendship, offering his heart and his hospitality, and adding: "For your sakes, the green grass shall not be stained with the blood of the whites. Your people shall again be our people, and peace shall be our mutual heritage. Good-bye. You may not see me again. But remember Satanta as the white man's friend." He is spoken of as having a very grave yet musical voice, and at times displays the deepest emotion.

Another who heard him on this occasion says:

The great chief, Satanta, in delivering his address spoke with a dignity and force that could not but be appreciated. He is a great orator and of unbounded influence in the council (_Ind. Miscel., xii, 3804--3833_).

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXII

INSIDE OF SET-T'AIÑTE'S SHIELD]

He is thus described by Keim in 1870:

For several years Satanta has filled the office of head chief. A peculiar dash of manner; a grin equal to all occasions; a remarkable shrewdness exhibited in managing affairs between the different tribes with which his people come in contact, or their intercourse with the national government, have won for him a prestige which he has very well maintained. Satanta, when I first met him, was a man of about fifty years of age. He rose first through prowess on the warpath, and afterward through skill in council and diplomacy. He had an intelligent face, and was large in frame and of muscular development, exhibiting also a tendency to obesity. Lately Satanta has found a threatening rival in Lone-wolf, the war chief of the tribe (_Keim, 3_).

Three years later we get the following notice from one who saw him with Big-tree, in 1873, while serving his first incarceration in the Texas penitentiary:

In the corridor of the penitentiary I saw a tall, finely-formed man, with bronzed complexion, and long, flowing, brown hair, a man princely in carriage, on whom even the prison garb seemed elegant, and was told that it was Satanta, the chief of the Kiowas, who with his brother chief, Big-tree, is held to account for murder. I was presently introduced to a venerable bigamist who was Satanta's chosen boon companion, on account of his smattering of Spanish, and through this anxious prisoner was presented at court. Satanta had come into the workroom, where he was popularly supposed to labor, but where he never performed a stroke of work, and had seated himself on a pile of oakum, with his hands folded across his massive chest [figure 150]. His fellow prisoner explained to Satanta, in Spanish, that we desired to converse with him, whereupon he rose and suddenly stretching out his hand gave mine a ponderous grasp, saying: "How!" He then responded, always through the aged wife-deceiver, to the few trivial questions I asked, and sat down, motioning to me to be seated with as much dignity and grace as though he were a monarch receiving a foreign ambassador.

His face was good; there was a delicate curve of pain at the lips, which contrasted oddly with the strong Indian cast of his other features. Although he is much more than 60 years old, he hardly seemed 40, so erect, elastic, vigorous was he. When asked if he ever expected liberation, and what he would do if it should come, he responded, "Quien sabe?" with the most stoical indifference. Big-tree was briskly at work plaiting a chair seat in another apartment and chewing tobacco vigorously. His face was clear cut and handsome, his coal black hair swept his shoulders, and he only paused to brush it back and give us a swift glance as we entered, then briskly plaited as before (_Scribner, 1_).

The particular offense for which Set-t'aiñte was first arrested was a raid upon some teamsters on Salt creek, Jack county, Texas. In response to a letter of inquiry, the following concise statement in regard to his prison life and tragic death was obtained from Mr L. A. Whatley, superintendent of Texas penitentiaries, writing from Huntsville, under date of March 3, 1896:

At the July term of the district court of Jack county, in the year 1871, Satanta was convicted of murder and sentenced to life imprisonment in the Texas state penitentiary. He was received at the Huntsville prison on the 2d of November, 1871. Upon the recommendation of President U. S. Grant, Governor E. J. Davis, on August 19, 1873, set Satanta at liberty upon parole, i. e., conditioned upon his good behavior. It seems, however, that he violated his parole, for he was arrested and recommitted to the prison at Huntsville by Lieutenant General Sheridan on the 8th of November, 1874. On October 11, 1878, Satanta committed suicide by throwing himself from the second story of the prison hospital, from the effects of which he died within a few hours. He was buried at the prison cemetery, where his grave can be identified to this day. During the period of his incarceration in this prison Satanta behaved well, but was very reticent and stoical.

Such was the end of the man who had said: "When I roam over the prairie I feel free and happy, but when I sit down I grow pale and die."

Set-t'aiñte was distinguished by his war paint, which was red, his face, hair, and the upper part of his body being painted red, his tipi also being painted entirely red, with streamers of the same color at the ends of the poles. He carried a ceremonial "medicine lance," feathered like an arrowshaft, which seems to have been an ancient heirloom from the Crows. He had a grim sort of humor, rather characteristic of his tribe. At a council held at Fort Dodge in the spring of 1867 he was presented by General Hancock with a full suit of general's uniform, and showed his appreciation of the gift by leading an attack on the post shortly afterward arrayed in his new toggery (_Custer, 2_). This attack was probably in fulfillment of a promise made a few months before, when it is said he sent a message to the commander of the post saying that his stock was getting poor--this was in winter--and he hoped the government animals at the post would be well fed, as he would be over in a short time to get them (_Report, 46_).

He left a son, who inherited his father's name and shield, as well as his bold hawk-like features. This is the young man mentioned by Custer in his "Life on the Plains." He enlisted in the Indian troop at Fort Sill, and on his death in 1894 made a formal will, giving his father's shield to Captain H. L. Scott, of the Seventh cavalry, commander of the troop, in whose possession it now is. The representation here given (plates LXII, LXIII) is made by his permission. A sister of the elder Set-t'aiñte still lives, and, with a friendly, hospitable disposition, seems to combine many of her brother's strong traits of character. Since the death of the younger Set-t'aiñte the name is tabooed, in accordance with tribal custom, and the chief is referred to only under his boy name of Gúatoñ-bain, "Big-ribs."

PROGRESS OF THE CAMPAIGN

The campaign against the hostiles was now pressed vigorously. A large force of troops under Colonel (now Major-General) Nelson A. Miles started from Fort Supply toward the southwest to strike the enemy in the direction of the Antelope hills, while a smaller body from New Mexico, under Major W. R. Price, moved down the South Canadian to assist him. On August 30 Miles encountered the Indians in force near the head of the Washita, and after a running fight, lasting several days, drove them out on the Staked plain, with a loss of several killed, besides a considerable portion of their horses and camp outfit. A few days later the supply train in charge of Captain Wyllis Lyman, Fifth infantry, was attacked near the head of the Washita. The men corralled the wagons, and defended themselves for several days until relief arrived from Fort Supply. On September 12 the detachment under Major Price had a severe encounter with a large force of Indians between Sweetwater creek and the Washita, on the eastern boundary of the Panhandle, but finally repulsed them, pursuing them several miles. The assailants were supposed to have been the Kiowa who had recently stampeded from the Wichita agency (see the calendar 1874-75; also _Record, 4_; _War, 3_).

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXIII

OUTSIDE OF SET-T'AIÑTE'S SHIELD]

On September 26 and 27, 1874, Colonel (afterward General) Ranald S. Mackenzie, Fourth cavalry (_Mángomhéñte_), "No index-finger," on account of the loss of that finger), whom the Comanche already knew to their sorrow, with a detachment of his regiment, after repelling two attacks, surprised a large body of Cheyenne and their allies in a canyon near Red river, Texas, destroying over a hundred tipis and capturing their entire camp outfit, with over fourteen hundred horses and mules. This was the severest blow the Indians had yet received. On October 9, Colonel George P. Buell, Eleventh infantry, struck and destroyed a large Kiowa camp on the Salt fork of Red river, and eight days later Captain Adna R. Chaffee, Sixth cavalry, surprised and destroyed another camp north of the Washita, the Indians fleeing without attempting a defense (_Record, 5_).

As a result of these successive losses the Indians became discouraged, and early in October the Comanche sent messengers asking permission to come into the agency. Permission being given, Täbinä´naka, White-wolf, and Red-food, with their people, started in and were met on Elk creek by a detachment from Fort Sill, under Major G. W. Schofield, who received their surrender and brought them in to the fort. Others came in a few days later and surrendered, making in all about four hundred Indians with about two thousand horses. Other Comanche and Kiowa in small parties continued to come in, the men being imprisoned under guard as fast as they arrived. Big-bow was allowed to go back to induce the Kiowa to come in, and was successful, returning in February, 1875, with Lone-wolf, Red-otter (_Apeñ-gúădal_), Swan (_Tsä´dal-t'aiñ_), Dohásän, and Poor-buffalo, and their people, who were met on their way in by the interpreter, Philip McCusker, and some friendly Comanche, to whom they surrendered their arms and horses. Poor-buffalo and his band had been enrolled among the friendlies, but had fled at the time of the agency fight. This left only a few of the Kiowa out, and these also came in soon after. In the meantime small bodies of Cheyenne were coming in and surrendering at their agency, but the main body still remained out (_Report, 47_; _Record, 6_).

On November 6 a small detachment of the Eighth cavalry under Lieutenant H. J. Farnsworth had a fight with about a hundred of the Cheyenne on McClellan creek, Texas, in which several were killed and wounded on both sides. Two days later Lieutenant Frank D. Baldwin, with some of the Fifth infantry and Sixth cavalry, attacked a camp of Cheyenne near the same place and rescued two little white girls named Germaine, who had been captured more than a year before. The pursuit was continued by another detachment under Captain Charles D. Viele, Tenth cavalry. On November 28 Captain Charles A. Hartwell, Eighth cavalry, again encountered and defeated the Cheyenne on Muster creek, Texas. Several other skirmishes occurred during the month, in each of which the Indians--chiefly Cheyenne--were the losers, and on the 28th of December Captain A. B. Keyes, of the Tenth cavalry, succeeded in capturing, on the North Canadian, an entire band of that tribe, with all their ponies, after having followed them 80 miles. Most of the operations during October and November were by troops from Fort Sill under command of Lieutenant-Colonel John W. Davidson, Tenth cavalry, commanding officer of the post (_Record, 7_).

SURRENDER OF THE CHEYENNE

The campaign was vigorously prosecuted during the winter and into the spring of 1875. The forces engaged consisted of eight troops of the Sixth cavalry under Majors Charles E. Compton and James Biddle, four troops of the Eighth cavalry under Major Price, and four companies of the Fifth infantry, the whole under the immediate command of Colonel (now Major-General) Nelson A. Miles. During this period the troops were constantly engaged in scouting over the territory involved, keeping the Indians so constantly on the move that they were unable to lay in any stock of provisions. This active work was continued by the troops upon the exposed and barren plains of that region during a winter of unprecedented severity, and as the season advanced, the difficulty of supplying the necessary forage and subsistence increased so that no little hardship and privation resulted, but the troops bore everything with fortitude and without complaint. By extraordinary effort enough supplies reached the troops to enable them to remain in the field until their work was done, and at length, early in March, 1875, the southern Cheyennes, completely broken down, gave up the contest, and under their principal chief, Stone-calf, the whole body of that tribe, with a trifling exception, surrendered themselves as prisoners of war. At the same time they restored the two elder captive Germaine girls. They gave up also their horses, bows and arrows, with some guns, but secretly hid most of their valuable firearms (_Record, 8_).

The main body of the Cheyenne surrendered to Lieutenant-Colonel Thomas H. Neil, Sixth cavalry, near the agency (Darlington), on March 6, 1875, and were at once disarmed and placed under guard, their ponies being confiscated and sold. Their agent says:

A more wretched and poverty-stricken community than these people presented after they were placed in the prison camp it would be difficult to imagine. Bereft of lodges and the most ordinary cooking apparatus; with no ponies nor other means of transportation for food or water; half starved and with scarcely anything that could be called clothing, they were truly objects of pity; and for the first time the Cheyenne seemed to realize the power of the government and their own inability to cope successfully therewith (_Report, 48_).

On the 27th of April they were formally transferred from the charge of the military to that of the agent and declared to be again at peace with the government. Throughout this whole period the Arapaho camped near the agency, in spite of short rations and all the other difficulties of their position, had maintained untarnished their treaty obligations.

PRISONERS SENT TO FLORIDA

It had been determined, on the surrender of the hostiles, to select some of the most prominent leaders from each tribe concerned for a term of confinement at some military prison in the east. Accordingly thirty-three of the Cheyenne were selected, with two Arapaho, who, though not concerned in the outbreak, had been guilty in other ways. Among the Cheyenne selected was one woman, who was identified as having participated in the murder of the Germaine family. While ironing the prisoners on April 6, a young warrior named Black-horse, stung by the taunts of the women, kicked over the blacksmith and attempted to escape, but was immediately shot down by the guard. The Cheyenne at once attacked the guard with guns and arrows. A troop of cavalry was quickly ordered up from Fort Reno, 2 miles away, when the Cheyenne fled to the sandhills on the river bank across from the agency, where they had secreted a quantity of firearms and ammunition, and, digging pits in the sand, opened fire on the troops. A severe engagement ensued, the Indians holding their position until dark, several being killed or wounded on each side.

During the night they fled, and when daylight came nothing remained of the prison camp but a few worn-out tipis. Most of the Indians soon afterward surrendered; but a band of about sixty, including the murderers of the Germaine family, attempted to escape to the Dakota country, and had made their way to the vicinity of Fort Wallace, Kansas, when they were intercepted by a detachment under Lieutenant A. Henley, Sixth cavalry, who cut off about half of them from the rest. On their refusal to surrender, he attacked them and killed nineteen, captured over one hundred and twenty-five ponies, and burned their camp, with the loss of two soldiers killed. The remainder escaped to the northward. The thirty-five Cheyenne and Arapaho prisoners selected for imprisonment were sent to Fort Marion, near St Augustine, Florida (_Record, 9_; _Report, 49_).

THE GERMAINE FAMILY

The Germaine girls referred to were part of a family of that name who had been attacked by the Cheyenne at their home on Smoky Hill river. Kansas, on September 13, 1874. The father, mother, brother, and one sister were killed, and four other sisters carried off, two of whom were young women. On November 8, 1874, the two little girls, aged five and seven, were rescued by Lieutenant Baldwin, as already noted, in an encounter on the edge of the Panhandle. The two elder sisters were held until the Cheyenne under Stone-calf surrendered, after having been prisoners nearly seven months, during which time they had suffered all the horrors of Indian captivity. General Miles became the guardian of all four, a comfortable home was provided for them at Fort Leavenworth, and Congress authorized the stoppage of an amount sufficient for the support of the children from the annuities of their captors, the southern Cheyenne. A woman identified by them as having taken part in the murder was sent with the other prisoners to Florida (_Record, 10_; _Report, 50_).

Atrocities were, however, not confined to one side. In April, 1875, a party of Texans attacked six Comanche, killing four men and a woman, only one man escaping. The dead Indians, including the woman, were beheaded, and the heads carried to the nearest town, where they were said to have been preserved in alcohol (_Report, 51_).

SURRENDER OF THE COMANCHE

In response to overtures made through scouts Stilwell and Kilmartin, another party of Comanche, numbering nearly two hundred, partly Kwáhadi, came into Fort Sill in April and surrendered to Colonel (General) R. S. Mackenzie, who had succeeded Colonel Davidson in command of the post, delivering up their arms and over seven hundred horses and mules. Soon afterward Mackenzie sent another message to the Kwáhadi Comanche, Quanah's band, through Dr J. J. Sturm, an experienced frontiersman. He found them near the head of Red river and succeeded in persuading them to return with him to Fort Sill, where they arrived on June 2, 1875, and surrendered their arms and over fifteen hundred head of stock. The band numbered over four hundred, including a few Apache. These were practically the last of the hostiles, and thus the outbreak came to a close about a year after it had begun. Although the Indians had become impoverished by loss of stock and camp equipage, their loss in killed was very small. Only about twenty were captured, the remainder having surrendered voluntarily (_Report, 52_).

About thirty-five hundred horses and mules had been surrendered by the Kiowa and Comanche when they came in. Of these nearly eight hundred were shot, one hundred were given to the Tonkawa scouts, several hundred more were given to the military scouts or were stolen, some were returned to their owners, and about sixteen hundred were sold for the benefit of the Indians, realizing about $22,000, which Colonel Mackenzie decided to invest in sheep and goats, with the intention of converting them into pastoral tribes like the Navaho (see the calendar, 1875-76). The first horses surrendered had been shot before this economic idea occurred to anyone. In addition to their losses by the surrender, about two thousand horses and mules had been stolen by Texas horse thieves from the friendly Indians camped near the agency (_Report, 53_).

PROPOSITION TO DEPORT HOSTILE TRIBES

As a means of rendering the late hostiles forever harmless, and compelling them to give up their nomadic hunting life and settle down to earn their own living, it was proposed to deport several thousands of them, practically about all of the Cheyenne, Comanche, and Kiowa tribes, to a remote district, where they were to be disarmed, dismounted, and compelled to work in return for the supplies to be furnished by the government. Congress having appropriated funds for the purpose, arrangements were made with the Quapaw in April, 1875, by special agent Major C. F. Larrabee for the purchase of a portion of their reservation in the northeastern corner of Indian Territory. Preparations were commenced for their removal, but in consequence of an adverse report made by the commissioner appointed to remove them, the plan was abandoned (_Report, 54_).

As had been done in the case of the Cheyenne and Arapaho, a number of the Kiowa and Comanche were selected from among the late hostiles and sent about the first of May, 1875, to join their predecessors in military confinement at Fort Marion, Florida. It is somewhat of a coincidence that the exiled Apache of Geronimo's band who were removed from Arizona as prisoners of war in 1886 to the same Fort Marion are now located at Fort Sill, upon the Kiowa reservation, to which, point they were brought, in September, 1894, after a temporary sojourn at Mount Vernon Barracks, Alabama. Nine Comanche and twenty-six Kiowa were selected, making, with the Cheyenne and Arapaho, a total of seventy prisoners sent to Florida. Of the Kiowa the most prominent were Lone-wolf, Swan, Woman-heart, and White-horse, the last named being selected on account of his previous record as a notorious raider, although he had been enrolled with the friendlies during the outbreak (_Report, 55_). It was of course the intention to select for punishment those who had been most conspicuous or guilty in the outbreak, but the selection being left principally to Kickingbird, that chief, with a natural desire to shield his friends, picked out only a few of the prominent leaders, making up the quota with Mexican captives and young men of no great reputation. Following is the list of Florida prisoners from the Kiowa tribe, as furnished by the Indians:

1. _Gui-pägo_, "Lone-wolf," head chief and adopted father of the present head chief of the same name.

2. _Mäñyí-ten_, "Woman-heart," a chief and signer of the Medicine Lodge treaty.

3. _Tseñ-t'áñte_, "White-horse," a chief.

4. _T'ené'taide_, "Bird-chief," a chief.

5. _Tsädal-t'aiñ_, "White-goose," i. e. "Swan," a chief.

6. _Paä´ti_, "Buffalo-bull's-entrails," a chief.

7. _Mamä´nte_, "Walking-above," alias _Dahä´ti_, "Medicine-man," a chief and noted medicine man--died in Florida.

8. _Gui-bótte_, "Wolf-stomach"--died in Florida.

9. _É'pea_, "We-(they)-are-afraid-of-him"--died in Florida.

10. _Gobe_, "Wild-horse."

11. _Zon-k'ía_, "Tooth-man," alias _Kíñasáhe-k'ia_, "Green-shield-man"--died in Florida.(?)

12. _Etälyidónmo_, "He-(they?)-hunts-for-boys."

13. _Máñ-kopédal_, "Flat-nose"--dead.

14. _Set-mänte_, "Bear-above," or "Sky-bear"--dead.

15. _T'enépíabi_, "Humming-bird"--still living; now a policeman.

16. _Woháte_, "Cow" (_jargon_)--still living.

17. _Pä´da-i_, "Twin"--still living.

18. ---- ("Double-vision"--Report, 56).

19. _P´ódal-â´dalte_, "Snake-head," alias _Zoñtam_, "Hole-bite" (Paul Zotom)--still living.

20. _Set-k´opte_, "Mountain-bear" (Paul Saitkopeta)--still living.

21. _Belo_ (i. e., _Pedro_)--a Carrizo Indian captive from Mexico, still living.

22. _Bíako_ (Viejo?)--a Mexican captive, still living.

23. _Päli_ (Valdez?)--a Mexican captive, still living.

24. _Añgáite_, "Ankle"--a Mexican captive, still living.

25. _Bóloi_--a Mexican captive, still living.

26. _Goho_, "Kick"--a Mexican captive, still living.

It is notable, as showing the comparative vitality of the races under new conditions, that of the twenty Indians on the list only five are still alive, and one of these is dying of slow consumption, while all of the six Mexican captives are still in vigorous health. Of the twenty Kiowa and Comanche who signed the treaty of 1867 only two were alive in 1896.

The prisoners while in Florida were merely kept under surveillance and were not subjected to close confinement. Philanthropic white people took an interest in them, especially in the younger ones, and undertook to give them rudimentary instruction in civilization and Christianity. When they were finally released in May, 1878, a number of the young men consented to remain a few years longer in the east to acquire an education, among whom were eight of the Kiowa. Those who were not taken into private families were placed in the Normal Institute at Hampton, Virginia, originally established for the education of negroes. Soon after, fifty other young Indians were assembled at Hampton, which thus became also an Indian school. The success of this experiment led to the establishment of the Indian school at Carlisle, Pennsylvania, in 1879 (_Report, 57_).

Several of the young Kiowa were received in refined and philanthropic families in the north, with the purpose of educating them to be missionaries among their people on their return. One of these, Paul Zotom (Zoñtam), was regularly ordained as a deacon in the Episcopal church. (_Report, 58_). He returned in the summer of 1881, but has sadly fallen from grace. Another, Paul Saitkopeta (Setk'opte), after similar careful training in a refined family with the same purpose in view, returned a year later nearly dead from consumption contracted in the east, and although of more manly character than Zotom is now almost helpless for any practical purpose, being a confirmed invalid, and has reverted to many of the Indian customs. Setk'opte is a Kiowa by adoption only, being the son of a Cheyenne chief by a Pawnee captive woman.

KICKING-BIRD

The noted chief, T'ené-angópte, "Kicking-bird," who had been so long a leader of the peace element among his people, died suddenly on May 5, 1875. It was suspected at the time, and is still believed by some of the tribe, that he had been poisoned by his enemies of the war party, but although the matter was investigated it could not be proven. Like so many others of the Kiowa, he was of mixed origin, his paternal grandfather having been a Crow captive taken when a boy and adopted into the tribe. Although a young man, he had a commanding influence among his people, and on the failure of the war party under Lone-wolf became recognized as the principal chief of the Kiowa. An untaught savage, he was yet a man of fine native ability and thoroughly versed in the traditions and ceremonials of his people. Recognizing early the inevitable changes consequent upon the advent of the white man, he deliberately abandoned the warpath and addressed himself to the task of preparing his people to meet the new conditions. From that time forward his voice and example were always on the side of peace and civilization.

By this course he drew upon himself the hatred of the conservatives and the war party, who denounced him as a coward and a traitor, charges which he met and refuted in characteristic fashion. When the question of peace or war came to a final issue in 1874, his powerful influence held more than two-thirds of the Kiowa from the warpath, and by his exertions afterward he secured the best possible terms for the defeated hostiles. It was by his invitation and assistance that Battey organized the first school in the tribe in 1873. His last counsel to his people was to remain at peace with everybody and to follow the advice of their teachers, and he declared that he was dying "holding on to the white man's hand." At the request of his family, Agent Haworth took charge of his body and gave it Christian burial, this being the first instance of the kind in the history of the tribe (_Report, 59_; _Battey, 11_).

His long-continued attachment to the whites at one time so far brought him into disrepute with his tribe that they charged his friendship to cowardice, called him a woman, and refused to listen to his counsels. Finding his influence in the tribe nearly gone, he raised a force, conducted a raid into Texas, and had a severe engagement with the white soldiers, where he led his men with such ability and coolness as to come off victorious and win a testimony of respect from the commander of his enemy's forces. On his return home he again advocated peace with the whites, and has steadily continued to do so from that time to the present. The tribe, thoroughly convinced of his bravery, no longer attribute his desire for peace to cowardice, and listen to his eloquent arguments, in most cases yielding to his counsels; so that he really stands at the head of all those Kiowa who are disposed to live peaceably, as Lone-wolf does at the head of those occupying a less friendly position (_Battey, 12_).

Another characteristic incident is recorded by Battey. Shortly before the outbreak some trouble occurred between Kicking-bird and the chiefs disposed to hostility, who accused him of having lied about them. A meeting was arranged at the agency to talk it over, and as the Indians were greatly excited some trouble was anticipated. When, the Kiowa began to arrive, each as he entered the office and seated himself strung his bow and placed it where it could be instantly seized for action, put his quiver of arrows in convenient position, also placing three or four arrows across his lap, loosened his revolver, and turned the handle ready for grasping, while many of them trembled with excitement. When the room was nearly filled, Kicking-bird, accompanied only by his brother and another friend, rode up coolly, as if unaware of what might be going on inside. Securing their ponies, they entered the office, Kicking-bird in advance. Looking around the circle, he took in the situation at once, and seating themselves, he and his companions coolly proceeded to place their bows, arrows, and revolvers in the same position for convenient use if necessary. Then addressing the agent, Kicking-bird informed him of the charges against himself (Kicking-bird), and called upon him to keep back nothing that he had told him, but to tell his people his whole talk (_Battey, 13_).

CHANGED CONDITIONS

With the close of the outbreak and the subsequent readjustment of affairs came a great change in the condition of the Kiowa and their confederated tribes. The old chiefs who had so often led them on the warpath were dead or in prison; their horses, which to prairie warriors were almost as essential as the bow or rifle, had been taken from them, together with their weapons; military posts and garrisons had been established in their midst and the chain of white settlements had been drawn closer around them; their old allies, the Cheyenne, had been rendered powerless to help them, and, more than all, their unfailing commissary, the buffalo, had practically disappeared. They felt that they were powerless in the hands of the stronger race, and with a deep sigh of regret for their vanished sovereignty they literally put their hands to the plow and endeavored in their weak fashion to follow the white man's road. The warriors, realizing that their time was too short to learn new ways, were anxious to see their children prepared to meet the changed conditions, and in consequence the schools were soon crowded, some of the chiefs even assisting the teachers in the work of organizing. Henceforth we find them trying to follow the new path with patient resignation, in spite of difficulties and frequent neglect, with only occasional weak ebullitions of the old fighting temper when aroused by some particularly aggravated grievance.

EPIDEMICS OF MEASLES AND FEVER IN 1877--FIRST HOUSES BUILT

In 1877 an epidemic of measles in the tribe carried off a large number of children. It was followed immediately afterward by an outbreak of fever. In the fall of the same year the government, through agent Haworth, built a number of houses for the prominent chiefs, these being the first Indian houses on the reservation (see the calendar). In accordance with a new plan of employing Indians at agencies, a police force of about thirty natives was organized in 1878. The result in this as in all other cases has been eminently satisfactory (_Report, 60_).

AGENCY REMOVED TO ANADARKO--THE LAST OF THE BUFFALO

For years Indians and agents alike had complained of the location of the agency at Fort Sill. In consequence of repeated representations of the matter, it was removed toward the close of 1879 to Anadarko on the Washita and consolidated with the Wichita agency at that point, where it still remains (_Report, 61_). As a result, the Kiowa, who had previously been together in a single camp on Cache creek below the fort, now began to scatter and take up individual farms along the Washita and on the creeks north of Mount Scott. This year may be taken as the date of the disappearance of the buffalo from the Kiowa country, the Indians during the summer of 1879 being reduced to the necessity of killing and eating their ponies to keep from starving, in consequence of the almost total failure of their annual hunt (see the calendar). Thereafter the appearance of even a single buffalo was a rare event.

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT, PL. LXIV

PHOTO BY SOULE, ABOUT 1870

PHOTOS BY JACKSON, 1872

SET-ĬMKÍA OR STUMBLING-BEAR (PUSHING-BEAR)]

In the same year died Lone-wolf, the principal chief and leader of the war element in the late outbreak. Dohásän, Set-ängya, and Set-t'aiñte being already gone, his death may be said to mark the end of the war history of the Kiowa. Shortly after his return from Florida he had conferred his name and succession upon the present bearer of the name, who had been the comrade of his son, killed in Texas, although not related by blood. The succession is now disputed by Ä´piatañ, the nephew of the first Lone-wolf.

THREATENED OUTBREAK INSTIGATED BY DÁTEKÂÑ

In June of 1881 there was considerable excitement caused by threats of an outbreak by the Kiowa on account of dissatisfaction with the rations. Their attitude became so threatening that the more peaceable Wichita and associated tribes became alarmed, and troops were sent from Fort Sill to prevent trouble, which had the effect of quieting the unrest (_Report, 62_). It is possible that the Kiowa were instigated to this course by Dátekâñ, who soon afterward began preaching the return of the buffalo and the old Indian life (see the calendar, 1882).

EPIDEMIC OF 1882--BEGINNING OF CHURCH WORK

In the fall of 1882 the tribe suffered from an epidemic of whooping cough and measles (_Report, 63_). In 1883 the first church was built at the agency by Reverend J. B. Wicks of the Episcopal church, who had been conducting missionary work among the associated tribes for about two years previously. It was built and supported, however, by the Wichita and affiliated tribes, the Kiowa and Apache as yet taking little interest in such matters (_Report, 64_). The work was abandoned shortly after and not resumed until 1887, when the Methodists entered the field, followed later by the Presbyterians, Baptists, and Catholics.

LEASING OF GRASS LANDS

For some time various agents had called attention to the fact that the Indians had a large surplus of valuable grass lands, which might be made to yield them a considerable income if leased to cattlemen. The suggestion being approved by the department, an arrangement was made with several large cattle firms. The first money payment to the Indians under this agreement was made in the summer of 1885, but only to the Comanche, as the Kiowa and Apache for a year longer refused to accept the money, believing this to be a scheme to deprive them of their lands. There is no official notice of this at the time, for the reason that the arrangement was at first only a matter of tolerance and mutual agreement between the Indians and cattlemen, without formal official recognition or responsibility for several years afterward.

PÁ-IÑGYA, THE MEDICINE-MAN AND PROPHET

In the spring of 1887 a prophet named Pá-iñgya, "In-the-middle," revived the doctrine which had been taught five years before by Dátekâñ of the speedy return of the buffalo and the revival of the old Indian life, adding the usual accompaniments of invulnerability for his followers and the destruction of the whites and unbelieving Indians by fire and whirlwind. He claimed also the power to resurrect the dead and to destroy his enemies with a glance as by a lightning stroke. His preaching aroused great excitement among the Kiowa, and nearly the entire tribe was soon enrolled among his adherents, including every prominent chief except Stumbling-bear and Sun-boy. He established headquarters on Elk creek, at the extreme western end of the reservation, to which all his followers repaired. Here, by the friction of a stick upon a block of wood, he kindled a sacred fire, from which the devotees took brands to light and warm their tipis, being commanded to throw away the white man's matches or flint and steel, together with the white man's dress and weapons. As the day appointed for the final cataclysm approached, the Indians took their children from the schools at the agency in order that they might escape the destruction which was soon to overwhelm the intrusive race, and left in a body for the rendezvous on Elk creek.

The movement alarmed the whites, who saw that there was trouble brewing, but could get no explanation of the reason. In anticipation of an outbreak, the agent, Captain Hall, summoned the troops to his assistance. With a small escort he visited the prophet's camp, and through the medium of Stumbling-bear invited the chiefs to a conference, with the result that the Kiowa agreed to return to their homes and await developments. As the time came and went without supernatural event, they became satisfied that the prophecy was a delusion, and the excitement died out. Pá-iñgya still lives, and when the messiah revelation spread among the southern tribes a few years later he hailed it as the delayed fulfillment of his own prophecy (see the calendar).

INDIAN COURT ESTABLISHED

As a practical step toward educating the Indians in civilized forms of self-government and to save the time consumed by the agent and other officials in trivial concerns, an Indian court consisting of three judges was organized upon the reservation in 1888 for the trial of minor offenses and questions, the first judges appointed being Quanah, Lone-wolf, and Tawákoni Jim, head chiefs respectively of the Comanche, Kiowa, and Wichita (_Report, 65_). This court is still in successful operation.

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXV

PHOTOS BY JACKSON; 1872

PAÍ-TÄLYÍ OR SUN-BOY]

INTERTRIBAL COUNCIL OF 1888

The questions of railroads through the reservations, intrusions, allotments, and the ultimate opening of Indian Territory to white settlement, had now assumed such proportions that the civilized tribes had become alarmed and had called an intertribal council to debate measures to meet the emergency. The council met at Fort Gibson, in the Cherokee nation, in June, 1888, with representatives of about twenty tribes in attendance. Although recognizing civilization as their ultimate destiny, they were strongly opposed to any change in the tribal holding of their lands, and the sentiment was practically unanimous against allotment or any disturbance of the existing tribal system. The delegates and speakers from the Kiowa and associated tribes were Täbinä´naka and White-wolf for the Comanche, Big-tree for the Kiowa. White-man for the Apache, and Caddo Jake for the Caddo, Wichita, and smaller bands (_Report, 66_).

DEATH OF SUN-BOY--THE LAST SUN DANCE

In the fall of 1888 died Pai´-tälyi´, "Sun-boy," one of the last of the prominent chiefs of the old days of the buffalo hunt and the warpath (see the calendar). The summer of 1890 is notable for the last sun dance (_k`adó_) undertaken by the tribe. On this occasion the agent, making objection to the ceremony, which the Indians refused to abandon, ordered out the troops from Fort Sill to prevent it. On their arrival, although the Kiowa were at first disposed to resistance, upon the advice of Stumbling-bear and some other of the cooler heads, they finally dispersed to their homes, leaving the unfinished medicine lodge standing (see the calendar).

GHOST DANCE INAUGURATED--ÄPIATAÑ'S JOURNEY IN 1890

In the fall of 1890 Sitting-bull (Hänä´chä-thíak), an Arapaho, came and inaugurated the ghost dance among the Kiowa. As this subject is treated at length in the author's work on "The Ghost-dance Religion," in the Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, it need only be mentioned here. Like all the neighboring tribes except the Comanche, the Kiowa went heart and soul into the new religion, which was in line with the previous prophecies of Dátekâñ and Pá-iñgya. A few months later they sent Ä´piatañ, "Wooden-lance," a prominent young man of the tribe, to find the messiah and investigate and report upon his doctrine. On his return in the following spring he denounced the new teacher as an impostor, whereupon the Kiowa abandoned the dance. Within the last two years, however, they have revived the ghost-dance ceremonies with all the old-time vigor (see the calendar).

[Illustration: FIG. 52--A´piatañ or Wooden-lance]

In the same winter, in January, 1891, three boys ran away from the government school at the agency in consequence of the harshness of a teacher, and a day or two later were found frozen to death in the mountains, having been overtaken by a blizzard while attempting to reach their homes. The affair naturally created intense excitement in the tribe and threats were made against the teacher who was responsible for the occurrence, but the matter finally quieted down without the necessity of calling on the troops (see the calendar).

ENLISTMENT OF INDIANS AS SOLDIERS

In March, 1891, the Secretary of War authorized the enlistment of an Indian contingent for each of the cavalry and infantry regiments serving in the west. In pursuance of this plan, a troop was enlisted from among the Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache tribes in the fall of 1891 and placed under the command of Lieutenant (now Captain) H. L. Scott, and designated as troop L, of the Seventh cavalry, then stationed at Fort Sill. Of this troop probably two-thirds were Kiowa and Apache. The experiment did not prove satisfactory, and all of the Indian companies have now been disbanded. The Kiowa troop maintained its existence longest, under Captain Scott, who was peculiarly fitted for the position by his intimate and sympathetic acquaintance with Indian habit and belief and his expert knowledge of the sign language. For this reason he has several times been selected by the War Department to investigate threatened troubles among the associated tribes, particularly during the critical period of the ghost dance, and has also been selected by the Indians themselves to represent their interests at Washington (see the calendar; also _War, 4_).

MEASLES EPIDEMIC OF 1892--GRASS LANDS LEASED

The year 1892 was signalized by several important events. Early in the spring an epidemic of measles broke out among the children in the Kiowa school. Instead of isolating and nursing the sick, the superintendent in charge sent the infected children home to their camps, thus spreading the disease broadcast, resulting in the death of about two hundred and twenty persons, nearly all children, among the Kiowa and Apache, or fifteen per cent of the entire number. The superintendent was soon afterward removed. This epidemic was the most terrible calamity that has befallen the tribe in many years. Every family lost relatives, and in addition to the large number of deaths thousands of dollars' worth of property, in the form of horses, wagons, blankets, etc, was destroyed at the graves in accordance with the Indian custom (see the calendar).

As by this time the Indians had learned that the leasing of their grass lands would be a substantial benefit to themselves, they held a joint council in the spring of the same year and authorized Quanah, Lone-wolf, and White-man, head chiefs of the three confederate tribes, to go as delegates to Washington, where they succeeded in negotiating leases for nearly all of their surplus grass lands for an aggregate annual rental of nearly $100,000. This money, with that received by the Indian soldiers, has been invested largely in houses and improved stock. Today probably half the Indians of the three tribes are owners of houses paid for with their own money (see the calendar).

[Illustration: FIG. 53--H. L. Scott, Captain, Seventh cavalry, U. S. A.]

COMMISSION FOR ALLOTMENT OF LANDS--PROTEST AGAINST DECISION

In the autumn of 1892 a commission, which had already concluded agreements with several other tribes, visited the Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache to negotiate with them for the distribution of individual allotments and the sale of the remainder of their reservation. As the terms of the Medicine Lodge treaty, under which they hold their present reservation, do not expire until August 25, 1898, the Indians were opposed to any change in the existing conditions, but by bringing strong pressure to bear upon them, an agreement was finally reached by which the reservation was to be thrown open immediately upon the ratification of the contract by Congress. On learning the true nature of the instrument, the Indians denounced the interpreter and demanded that their names be stricken from the paper. This being refused, they repudiated in council the action of the chiefs who had signed, and elected other representatives to go to Washington to protest against the whole proceeding. The delegates chosen were Ä´piatañ, already mentioned, Apache John (_Goñk'oñ_, "Stays-in-tipi") and Piänä´vonĭt, "Big-looking-glass," for the Kiowa, Apache, and Comanche, respectively, with Captain Scott, U. S. A., and Andres Martinez (_Ä´ndali_), an influential Mexican captive among the Kiowa, as interpreter. The delegation arrived in March, 1894, and made such representation of the matter that no action was taken upon the agreement, and it is still unratified.

[Illustration: FIG. 54--A group of Kiowa]

PRESENT CONDITION--AGENTS IN CHARGE OF CONFEDERATE TRIBES

Realizing that a change is inevitable in the near future, the Indians are going to work, and with the aid of the money received for their grass lands invested in houses, cattle, and improved breed of horses, the opening of small farms, and the general educational work of the schools, there is a fair prospect that at the expiration of their present treaty in 1898 they will be able to meet the new conditions (see 52d Cong., 2d sess., Senate ex. doc. 17--Comanche, Kiowa, and Apache Agreement; 53d Cong., 2d sess., misc. doc. 102--Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache memorial).

Following are the names of the agents who have been in charge of the Kiowa, Apache, and Comanche since they were first brought upon the reservation in December, 1868. Of the earlier ones, Haworth (_Senpo-gúadal_, "Red-beard") is held in best remembrance:

1869--Laurie Tatum (Kiowa name, _Dän-pá-iñgya-t'á-i_, "Bald-head").

1873, April--J. N. Haworth (_Sénpo-gúadal_, "Red-beard").

1878, April--P. B. Hunt (_Tádalk`ia_, "Lean-man").

1885, September--J. Lee Hall (_K`ódal-gúadal_, "Red-neck").

1887, September--E. E. White, special agent (_T'áiñte_, "White").

1888, September--W. D. Myers (_Maiz_).

1889, October--Charles E. Adams (_Ädam_).

1891, December--George D. Day (_Ĭmasä´nmot_, "Grinning").

1893, June--Hugh G. Brown, captain Twelfth infantry.

1893, November--Maury Nichols, lieutenant Seventh infantry (_Dogúatal-taíde_, "Young Man Chief").

1894, October--W. H. Abell, special agent (_Pá-ehémgó`te_, "Lame-bull").

1894, November--Frank D. Baldwin, captain Fifth infantry.

SUMMARY OF PRINCIPAL EVENTS

The principal events in the history of the Kiowa may be summarized as follows:

1700 (about)--Migration from the mountains to the Yellowstone region.

1732--Mentioned in Spanish document of New Mexico.

1770 (about)--Massacre of the K'úato and expulsion from the Black Hills.

1790 (about)--Peace and alliance with the Comanche.

1805--First American mention; Kiowa then on North Platte.

1833--Massacre by the Osage and capture of the _taíme_.

1834--Dragoon expedition and first official intercourse with United States.

1837--First treaty, at Fort Gibson.

1839--Smallpox epidemic.

1849--Cholera epidemic.

1854--Defeat of plains tribes by the Sauk.

1864--General outbreak of plains tribes.

1866--Death of Dohásän.

1867--Medicine Lodge treaty; Kiowa agree to go on reservation.

1868--Battle of the Washita; Ute capture the _taíme_.

1869--Kiowa go upon present reservation.

1871--Setängya killed.

1872--First attempt to establish schools.

1874--Outbreak of Cheyenne, Comanche, and Kiowa.

1879--Practical disappearance of the buffalo.

1881--Dátekâñ's prophecy.

1886--First money for grass paid to Kiowa and Apache.

1887--Pá-iñgya's prophecy.

1890--Last sun dance; beginning of the ghost dance in the tribe.

1892--Measles epidemic; unratified agreement of land sale.

SOCIOLOGY OF THE KIOWA

ABSENCE OF THE CLAN SYSTEM