229. T'águñótal P'a Sän--Cheyenne dance 379 · Part 5

In this affair the Osage also captured the _taíme_ medicine, already described, killing the wife of the _taíme_ keeper as she was trying to unfasten it from the tipi pole to which it was tied; her husband, Ansó te, escaped. In consequence of this loss, there was no sun dance for two years, when, peace having been made between the two tribes, as will be related farther on, the Kiowa visited the Osage camp, somewhere on the Cimarron or the Salt fork of the Arkansas, and recovered it, afterward giving a horse in return for it. Dohásän, who conducted the negotiations, asked the Osage about it and offered a pinto pony and several other ponies for it. The Osage said that they had it, and went home and brought it, but in token of their friendship refused to accept more than a single pony in return. On this occasion both _taíme_ images were captured, together with the case in which they were kept.

Two points in connection with this massacre deserve attention. First, the Osage war party was on foot; this, as the Kiowa state, was the general custom of the Osage and Pawnee, more especially the latter, who are sometimes called _Domáñk`íägo_, "Walkers," by the Kiowa, and was occasionally followed by other tribes, including also the Kiowa. Grinnell states that the Blackfeet always went to war on foot (_Grinnell, Blackfeet, 2_). There was an obvious advantage in the practice, as a foot party could more easily travel and approach a hostile camp without attracting observation, relying on themselves to procure horses to enable them to return mounted. T'ébodal, when a young man, was twice a member of a large Kiowa war party which went out on foot. The Kiowa say that the Pawnee in particular went afoot on war expeditions, and more recently when they visited other tribes for the purpose of a social dance, in the latter case always returning with large numbers of ponies given them by their entertainers (see summer 1851 and winter 1871-72). Gregg says that small war parties of the Pawnee were accustomed to rove on foot through every part of the plains, even to the Mexican frontier, but generally returning mounted on captured horses. When, on one occasion, his train was attacked upon the upper Canadian, he says:

It was evidently a foot party, which we looked upon as another proof of their being Pawnees, for these famous marauders are well known to go forth upon their expeditious of plunder without horses, although they seldom fail to return well mounted (_Gregg, 4_).

Dunbar says that Pawnee runners have been known repeatedly to travel over 100 miles in twenty-four hours or less, going at a swinging trot, without stopping on the way for sleep or food (_Clark, 11_).

Secondly, it is to be noted that the Osage beheaded the Kiowa without scalping them. This, the Kiowa say, was a general Osage practice; in fact, according to the Kiowa, the Osage never scalped their enemies, but cut off the heads and left them unscalped upon the field. They kept tally of the number killed, however, and when an Osage warrior had killed four he painted a blue half circle, curving downward, upon his breast. So far as Kiowa knowledge goes, no other tribe of the plains practiced the custom of beheading, but all of them scalped their enemies. It seems certain, however, that the Dakota at an early period had the same custom, as they are called "Beheaders" in several Indian languages, while their name is indicated in the sign language by drawing the hand across the throat to signify the same thing. Clark says:

In former times the Sioux Indians, if they had time, cut off the heads of their slain enemies and took them to their first camp after the fight, where the entire scalp was taken off. To make it particularly fine, they kept on the ears with the rings and ornaments. In case a woman had lost some of her kin by death, and her heart was, as they say, _bad_, she was at times allowed to go with the war party, remaining in the camp established near the point of attack. The head of a slain foe would be given to her, and after removing the scalp she would make her heart _good_ by smashing the skull with a war club (_Clark, 12_).

Among other tribes, as well as the Osage, especially in the north, the number of enemies slain or other brave deeds performed was sometimes indicated by the style of body paint or dress adornment. Among the Kiowa the number of transverse stripes upon a woman's legging indicates the scalps or _coups_ won by some warrior kinsman.

WINTER 1833-34

_D'ä´-p'é'gyä-de Sai_, "Winter that the stars fell." This winter takes its name from the memorable meteoric display which occurred shortly before daylight on the morning of November 13, 1833. It was observed throughout North America, and created great excitement among the plains tribes, as well as among a large part of our own population; the event is still used as a chronologic starting point by the old people of the various tribes. It is pictorially represented on most of the Dakota calendars discussed by Mallery in his valuable work on the Picture Writing of the American Indians. Set-t'an was born in the preceding summer, and the small figure of a child over the winter bar indicates that this is his first winter or year; the stars above his head represent the meteors.

[Illustration: FIG. 64--Winter 1833-34--The stars fell]

The Kiowa say it occurred in the winter season, when they were camped on a small tributary of Elm fork of Red river, within the present Greer county, Oklahoma. The whole camp was asleep, when they were wakened by a sudden light; running out from the tipis, they found the night as bright as day, with myriads of meteors darting about in the sky. The parents aroused the children, saying, "Get up, get up, there is something awful (_zédălbe_) going on!" They had never before known such an occurrence, and regarded it as something ominous or dangerous, and sat watching it with dread and apprehension until daylight. Such phenomena are always looked upon as omens or warnings by the ignorant; in Mexico, according to Gregg, it was believed to be a sign of divine displeasure at a sacrilegious congress which had recently curtailed the privileges of the church, while in Missouri it was regarded by some as a protest from heaven against the persecution of the Mormons then gathered near Independence (_Gregg, 5_).

[Illustration: FIG. 65--The star shower of 1833 (from the Dakota calendars)]

SUMMER 1834

The figure is intended to commemorate the return of the girl captured by the Osage in the massacre of the preceding summer. The tipi above the female figure, with which it is connected by a line, indicates her name, Gunpä´ñdamä, Medicine-tied-to-tipi-pole(-woman) (see the glossary, _Gunpä´ñdamä_). She was restored to her friends by a detachment of the First dragoons from Fort Gibson. Although this occurred in the summer, the season is not indicated by the usual figure of the medicine lodge, for the reason that, the _taíme_ being still in possession of the Osage, there was no sun dance held that year. It is omitted also in the picture for the preceding summer, the _taíme_ having been captured early in the spring.

[Illustration: FIG. 66--Summer 1833-34--Return of Gunpä´ñdamä]

As the return of this girl was the object of the first American expedition up Red river, and the beginning of our official and trading relations with the Comanche, Kiowa, Wichita, and affiliated tribes, it merits somewhat extended notice. The expedition and subsequent council are noted in the report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs for 1834 (page 240), and are described at length in the journal of Lieutenant Wheelock (_Greer, 1_), and in the letters of the artist Catlin, who accompanied the party and painted the first pictures ever made of any of these tribes. The resulting treaties of 1835 and 1837 are noted in the Commissioner's reports for these years (_Report, 74_). The first Indian story of the occurrence is here given:

After the massacre at _K`ódaltä K`op_, already described, the Osage returned to their own country, where there was a soldier camp (i. e., Fort Gibson), bringing with them the Kiowa girl Gunpä´ñdamä (Medicine-tied-to-tipi-pole) and her brother, taken at the time of the massacre. The woman captured at the same time had escaped and made her way back to her people. At Fort Gibson the soldiers told the Osage that as they and other Kiowa were all alike Indians they should be friends. They then bought the two captive children from the Osage and proposed that some of the Osage should return with them (the soldiers) to the Kiowa country, there to give back the children to their friends and invite the Kiowa to come down to the fort and make a permanent treaty of peace and friendship between the two tribes. The Osage agreed, and accordingly a large party of soldiers, accompanied by a number of Osage, with the girl Gunpä´ñdamä, set out for the Kiowa country. The little boy had been killed by a sheep before starting. With them went also the famous trader, Colonel Auguste Chouteau, called "Soto" by the Kiowa, the first American trader known to the Kiowa, Wichita, and associated tribes.

Up to this time the Kiowa had been at war with the Osage and had no knowledge of our government, and these dragoons were the first United States troops they had ever seen. The soldiers first met the Comanche, who told them that the Kiowa were near the Wichita village at the farther end of the mountains. When the troops arrived at the village, the Kiowa were afraid and kept at a distance until they saw the girl, which convinced them that the soldiers were their friends. The girl was given back to her people, and at the request of the soldiers a number of Kiowa, including the head chief, Doháte, returned with them and the Osage to the camp at Fort Gibson. They do not remember whether any of the Apache went. There the soldiers entertained the Kiowa with food, coffee, and sugar, and gave them blankets and other presents. A treaty of peace was made between the Kiowa and soldiers (i. e., Americans), and the Osage and other Kiowa were invited to trade with Chouteau, who promised to bring goods to their country.

Since that time the two tribes have been friends. Hitherto the Kiowa had never had any traders in their country, but after this peace a regular trade was established. The first trader, whom they call Tóme or Tóme-te (Thomas?) came soon afterward and built a trading post on the west side of Cache creek, about 3 miles below the present Fort Sill; but he did not stay long.

Dohá, Doháte, or Dohásän (Bluff or Little-bluff), the head of the tribe at the time of this expedition, had superseded A`dáte, who had been deposed as a punishment for having allowed his people to be surprised and massacred by the Osage. In his youth Dóha had been, known, as Äanóñte. He was the fourth head chief of the tribe from the time of the treaty with the Comanche, the order of succession being Políăkya (Harelip), alias Kágiätsé (Thick-blanket); Tsóñbohón (Feather-cap), A`dáte, and Dohásän. He continued to be recognized as head chief until his death in 1866. The name is hereditary in the family, which is one of the most prominent in the tribe, and has been borne by this chief--distinguished as Old Dohásän--by his nephew, who died at an advanced age at Anadarko in the winter of 1893-94, and by his son. The older men state that the father of the great Dohásän was also called Dohá, and that his son, after assuming the same name, was known as Dohásän, (Little-bluff) for distinction. He is spoken of as Doháte as frequently as Dohásän.

According to one informant, at the time of the Osage massacre Chouteau had a trading post about a day's journey east of the present Fort Sill, and the Kiowa went to him and told him of their misfortune, whereupon he went to Fort Gibson and induced the soldiers to rescue the captives from the Osage and return them to their friends. This is perhaps a confusion of events. The trading post referred to was at Chouteau spring, on the east side of Chouteau creek which flows into the South Canadian from the east, about 5 miles northeast of the present town of Purcell, Indian Territory. It does not appear, however, to have been established until after, and as a result of, this expedition.

The expedition is described in detail by the artist Catlin, who accompanied it and was present at the council on its return. As the Comanche, Kiowa, and Wichita lived so remote from the frontiers, they had not yet been brought into official connection with the United States, and consequently had several times, as we have seen, come into collision with small parties of Americans on the borders of their country. The government had for some time been desirous of entering into treaty relations with them, more especially as the plan of colonizing the eastern tribes in the western country had been put into operation. As the Osage, who were already in treaty relations with the government, had several captives taken from the more western tribes, it was decided to purchase these prisoners and send them home under military escort as a token of the friendly intentions of the government, with an invitation to the chiefs of those tribes to come to the military post and make a treaty with the United States, the Osage, and the immigrant tribes.

Accordingly, the two Kiowa children and two Wichita children, captives, were purchased from the Osage and brought to Fort Gibson; unfortunately, the little Kiowa boy was killed near the post shortly after by a blow from a ram. An expedition of the First dragoons was organized, under command of General Leavenworth, to restore the children to their parents and open communication with their tribes. The troops, numbering about four hundred, left Fort Gibson toward the end of June, 1834, taking with them the three children and accompanied by about thirty of the Osage, Cherokee, Delaware, and Seneca tribes, together with the artist Catlin, and, according to the Indian account, Chouteau and perhaps another trader. Their interpreter was a Cherokee with a "very imperfect" knowledge of Spanish, through which language he hoped to open communication with Spanish-speaking Indians among the tribes visited; his ignorance probably accounts for the atrocious names and etymologies given by Catlin. The march in the heat of summer proved so severe that by the time the command reached the junction of Washita and Red rivers about one third of the number, including the commanding general, were prostrated; the remainder, constantly dwindling, pushed on in charge of Colonel Henry Dodge, keeping a general northwest course along the divide between the two streams. They were considered to be within the Comanche country after crossing the Washita.

[Illustration: FIG. 67--Meeting of the dragoons and the Comanche (after Catlin)]

Having traveled about two weeks, they one day discovered a large party of Comanche several miles ahead, sitting quietly on their horses watching the movements of the advancing troops, and holding, their long lances in their hands, the blades glistening in the sun. As the cavalry advanced toward them the Indians retreated to another ridge. This was repeated several times, until at last, says Catlin--

Colonel Dodge ordered the command to halt, while he rode forward with a few of his staff and an ensign carrying a white flag. I joined this advance, and the Indians stood their ground until we had come within half a mile of them and could distinctly observe all their numbers and movements. We then came to a halt, and the white flag was sent a little in advance and waved as a signal for them to approach, at which one of their party galloped out in advance of the war party on a milk-white horse, carrying a piece of white buffalo skin on the point of his long lance in reply to our flag.... The distance between the two parties was perhaps half a mile, and that a beautiful and gently sloping prairie, over which he was for the space of a quarter of an hour reining and spurring his maddened horse and gradually approaching us by tacking to the right and left like a vessel beating against the wind. He at length came prancing and leaping along till he met the flag of the regiment, when he leaned his spear for a moment against it, looking the bearer full in the face, when he wheeled his horse and dashed up to Colonel Dodge with his extended hand, which was instantly grasped and shaken.

We all had him by the hand in a moment, and the rest of the party seeing him received in this friendly manner, instead of being sacrificed, as they undoubtedly expected, started under full whip in a direct line toward us, and in a moment gathered like a black cloud around us.... The warrior's quiver was slung on the warrior's back, and his bow grasped in his left hand ready for instant use if called for. His shield was on his arm; and across his thigh, in a beautiful cover of buckskin, his gun was slung, and in his right hand his lance of fourteen feet in length. Thus armed and equipped was this dashing cavalier, and nearly in the same manner all the rest of the party (_Catlin, 4_).

When the purpose of the expedition had been explained to them, the Comanche said that their great village was a few days farther ahead, and abandoning their war expedition, they turned and escorted the troops to their camp. According to statements made by old men of the tribe to Horace P. Jones, post interpreter at Fort Sill, this Comanche village in 1834 was situated on Chandler creek, close to its junction with Cache creek, about ten miles north of the present Fort Sill. The artist gives a glowing account of the surrounding country and of their reception by the Comanche.

Having led us to the top of a gently rising elevation on the prairie, they pointed to their village at several miles distance, in the midst of one of the most enchanting valleys that human eyes ever looked upon. The general course of the valley is from northwest to southeast, of several miles in width, with a magnificent range of mountains rising in distance beyond, it being without doubt a huge spur of the Rocky mountains, composed entirely of a reddish granite or gneiss, corresponding with the other links of this stupendous chain. In the midst of this lovely valley we could just discern amongst the scattering shrubbery that lined the banks of the water courses, the tops of the Comanche wigwams and the smoke curling above them. The valley for a mile distant about the village seemed speckled with horses and mules that were grazing in it. The chiefs of the war party requested the regiment to halt until they could ride in and inform their people who were coming. We then dismounted for an hour or so, when we could see them, busily running and catching their horses, and at length several hundreds of their braves and warriors came out at full speed to welcome us, and forming in a line in front of us, as we were again mounted, presented a formidable and pleasing appearance. As they wheeled their horses, they very rapidly formed in a line and dressed like well-disciplined cavalry. The regiment was drawn up in three columns, with a line formed in front, by Colonel Dodge and his staff, in which rank my friend Chadwick and I were also paraded, when we had a fine view of the whole manoeuvre, which was picturesque and thrilling in the extreme.

In the center of our advance was stationed a white flag, and the Indians answered to it with one which they sent forward and planted by the side of it. The two lines were thus drawn up face to face within 20 or 30 yards of each other, as inveterate foes that never had met; and to the everlasting credit of the Comanches, whom the world had always looked upon as murderous and hostile, they had all come out in this manner, with their heads uncovered, and without a weapon of any kind, to meet a war party bristling with arms and trespassing to the middle of their country. They had every reason to look upon us as their natural enemy, as they have been in the habit of estimating all pale faces; and yet instead of arms or defences, or even of frowns, they galloped out and looked us in our faces, without an expression of fear or dismay, and evidently with expressions of joy and impatient pleasure, to shake us by the hand, on the bare assertion of Colonel Dodge, which had been made to the chiefs, that we came to see them on a friendly visit.

After we had sat and gazed at each other in this way for some half an hour or so, the head chief of the band came galloping up to Colonel Dodge, and having shaken him by the hand, he passed on to the other officers in turn and then rode alongside of the different columns, shaking hands with every dragoon in the regiment; he was followed in this by his principal chiefs and braves, which altogether took up nearly an hour longer, when the Indians retreated slowly toward their village, escorting us to the banks of a fine, clear stream and a good spring of fresh water, half a mile from their village, which they designated as a suitable place for our encampment (_Catlin, 5_).

While there the artist painted the pictures of the chief men of the tribe, together with camp scenes. The pictures form a part of the Catlin gallery in the National Museum at Washington, District of Columbia. In his usual incorrect style, he estimated the population of the tribe at thirty thousand to forty thousand. It may possibly have been one-tenth of that number.

After a few days the command, guided by some of the Comanche, started for the Wichita village lying farther to the west. After four days' march, keeping close along the base of the mountains, they reached the village, which was situated on the northeast bank of the North fork of Red river, about 4 miles below the junction of Elm fork, and within the present limits of the reservation. It was close to the mouth of Devil canyon, with the river in front and the mountains behind. It was an old settlement site of the Wichita, having been occupied by them as far back at least as about the year 1765 (_Lewis and Clark, 8_). Catlin thus describes it:

We found the mountains inclosing the Pawnee [i.e., Pawnee Pique, or Wichita] village, on the bank of Red river, about 90 miles from the Comanchee town. The dragoon regiment was drawn up within half a mile or so of this village and encamped in a square, where we remained three days. We found here a very numerous village containing some five or six hundred wigwams, all made of long prairie grass thatched over poles which are fastened in the ground and bent in at the top, giving to them in distance the appearance of straw beehives, as in plate 173 [figure 68 herein], which is an accurate view of it, showing the Red river in front and the "mountains of rocks" behind it. To our very great surprise we have found these people cultivating quite extensive fields of corn (maize), pumpkins, melons, beans, and squashes; so, with these aids and an abundant supply of buffalo meat, they may be said to be living very well (_Catlin, 6_).

The picture by Catlin gives a good idea of the location and a tolerable idea of the peculiar conical grass houses of the Wichita, who have always been noted as an agricultural tribe. As usual, however, he has grossly overestimated their number, attributing to the village five or six hundred houses, and to the Wichita and Kiowa eight to ten thousand population. It is very doubtful if the two tribes, with all their affiliated bands, ever numbered a total of twenty-five hundred. The Wichita village may have had, all told, seventy or eighty houses. When the author examined the ground, in 1893, the circular depressions where the houses had stood were still regular in shape and plainly visible. According to Wichita information, the village was called Kĭ´tskûkătû´k, a name which seems to refer to its situation beside the mountain, and was abandoned soon after 1834, when the tribe removed to a new location, where Fort Sill is now located. From there they again removed to Rush spring, about 25 miles farther east, where Marcy found them in 1852. The mountains immediately about the site of the village visited by the dragoons are still known to the Kiowa as _Do`gúat K`op_, "Wichita mountains," the name not being applied by them to the more eastern portion of the range.

[Illustration: FIG. 68--Kĭ´tskûkătû´k, the Wichita village on Northfork in 1834 (after Catlin)]

The meeting with the Wichita threatened at the start to be hostile. Having learned that they had in their possession a captive white boy, Colonel Dodge demanded that he be surrendered. They repeatedly denied having any knowledge of the boy or the circumstances attending his capture until, being convinced by the sight of their own children brought back by the dragoons that the intentions of the white visitors were friendly, they produced him.

An order was immediately given for the Pawnee and Kiowa girls to be brought forward. They were in a few minutes brought into the council house, when they were at once recognized by their friends and relatives, who embraced them with the most extravagant expressions of joy and satisfaction. The heart of the venerable chief was melted at this evidence of the white man's friendship, and he rose upon his feet, and taking Colonel Dodge in his arms and, placing his left cheek against the left cheek of the colonel, held him for some minutes without saying a word, whilst tears were flowing from his eyes. He then embraced each officer in turn in the same silent and affectionate manner, which form took half an hour or more before it was completed.

From this moment the council, which before had been a very grave and uncertain one, took a pleasing and friendly turn, and this excellent old man ordered the women to supply the dragoons with something to eat, as they were hungry. The little encampment, which heretofore was in a woeful condition, having eaten up their last rations twelve hours before, were now gladdened by the approach of a number of women who brought their "back loads" of dried buffalo meat and green corn, and threw it down amongst them. This seemed almost like a providential deliverance, for the country between here and the Comanchees was entirely destitute of game and our last provisions were consumed.

The council thus proceeded successfully and pleasantly for several days, whilst the warriors of the Kiowas and Wicos [Wacos], two adjoining and friendly tribes living farther to the west, were arriving, and also a great many from other bands of the Comanchees, who had heard of our arrival, until two thousand or more of these wild and fearless-looking fellows were assembled, and all, from their horses' backs, with weapons in hand, were looking into our pitiful little encampment of two hundred men, all in a state of dependence and almost literal starvation, and at the same time nearly one-half the number too sick to have made a successful resistance if we were to have been attacked (_Catlin, 7_).

The result of the council was that a large delegation from the allied tribes returned with the troops to Fort Gibson, where arrangements were made for the subsequent treaties of 1835 and 1837, as already described, which mark the beginning of the modern history of the Kiowa, Comanche, Wichita, and affiliated bands.

The Wichita, as well as the Kiowa, still remember this friendly meeting. Nasthoe, a Wichita chief, in giving testimony in 1894 in regard to the location of the old village, said: "I was told that the white people and the Osage and the Kidi-ki-tashe [Wichita] came to that old village, where they lived and brought that girl and boy, and inside of one of those tipis they had made a feast among themselves, and the soldiers had fired their guns around there. The meaning of that was a peace" (_Greer County, 1_).

While with this expedition Catlin painted a number of portraits, the first on record from these tribes. He has this to say of his Kiowa subjects:

The head chief of the Kioways, whose name is Teh-toot-sah [Dohásän, see page 175], we found to be a very gentlemanly and high-minded man, who treated the dragoons and officers with great kindness while in his country. His long hair, which was put up in several large clubs and ornamented with a great many silver brooches, extended quite down to his knees. This distinguished man, as well as several others of his tribe, have agreed to join us on the march to Fort Gibson, so I shall have much of their company yet, and probably much more to say of them at a future period. Bon-son-gee (The New Fire) [Bohón-kóñkya, Black-cap], is another chief of this tribe, and called a very good man; the principal ornaments which he carried on his person were a boar's tusk and his war whistle, which were hanging on his breast. Quay-ham-kay (The Stone Shell) is another fair specimen of the warriors of this tribe ... Wun-pan-to-mee (The White Weasel) [Gunpü´ñdamä´, Medicine-tied-to-tipi-pole], a girl, and Tunk-aht-oh-ye (The Thunderer), a boy, who are brother and sister, are two Kioways who were purchased from the Osages, to be taken to their tribe by the dragoons.

The girl was taken the whole distance with us, on horseback, to the Pawnee village, and there delivered to her friends, as I have before mentioned; and the fine little boy was killed at the fur trader's house, on the banks of the Verdigris, near Fort Gibson, the day after I painted his portrait, and only a few days before he was to have started with us on the march. He was a beautiful boy of nine or ten years of age, and was killed by a ram, which struck him in the abdomen, and knocking him against a fence, killed him instantly. Kots-a-to-ah (The Smoked Shield) is another of the extraordinary men of this tribe, near 7 feet in stature, and distinguished not only as one of the greatest warriors, but the swiftest on foot in the nation. This man, it is said, runs down a buffalo on foot, and slays it with his knife or his lance as he runs by its side! (_Catlin, 8_).

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXVI

BÓHON-KÓÑKYA, "QUAYHAMKAY," GUNPÄÑDÂMÄ, AND "KOTSATOAH" (AFTER CATLIN)]

Two of those mentioned by Catlin--Dohásän and Bóhón-kóñkya--were signers of the first Kiowa treaty, in 1837, and are still well remembered, as is also the girl, Gunpä´ñdamä´. The other names are too badly mangled to be identified, and the memory of the swift runner seems to have utterly perished.

WINTER 1834-35

[Illustration: FIG. 69--Winter 1834-35--Bull-tail killed.]

_Pá-tón Ehótal-de Sai_, "Winter that Bull-tail was killed." He was killed by the Mexicans. The figure above the winter sign has a blood spot upon the body to represent the wound, while the erect cue from the head indicates his name.

[Illustration: FIG. 70--Summer 1835--Cat-tail rush sun dance.]

The Kiowa had made their winter camp on the Washita, when a war party set out against the _Toñhéñ-t'a`ká-i_ (Mexicans of the waterless country), or Chihuahuans. Having started late, they camped all winter at a mountain toward the southern edge of the Staked plain, known as _Déngyä-kóñ K`op_, or "Black-ice mountain." One morning in the early spring, while several men were out looking for their ponies, they were suddenly surrounded by the Mexicans and all killed, including Pa-ton, who was shot through the body. Their comrades saw the fight from a distance, but, being outnumbered and therefore afraid to come near to help them, they got away as soon as they could.

SUMMER 1835

_Donpä K`ádó_, "Cat-tail rush sun dance." This was the first sun dance held by the Kiowa after the recovery of the _taíme_ from the Osages, already narrated, and is thus distinguished because it was held at a place where a great many cat-tail rushes (_Equisetum arvense_) were growing on the south bank of North Canadian river, at the Red hills, about 30 miles above the present Fort Reno, Oklahoma. The soft white portion of the lower part of the stalk of this rush is eaten raw by the Indians with great relish. The picture above the medicine lodge represents the _taíme_ _bíĭmkâ-í_ or rawhide box in which the _taíme_ is kept.

It was immediately after this dance that a war party of Kiowa made the raid far down toward the coast in which they captured Bóiñ-edal (Big-blond), now the oldest captive in the tribe. This man, sometimes known to the whites as Kiowa Dutch, was born in Germany and is now, according to his own account, about 70 years of age. He remembers having gone to school in Germany as a small boy, and came to this country, when about 8 or 9 years of age, with his father, stepmother, and an elder brother. He describes the place where they located as being a small settlement on a large river, up which ships could sail, where there were alligators and trees with long moss, and which was within a day's ride of the sea. The people were engaged in raising cotton, his family being the only Germans. From other evidence it seems to have been about Matagorda or Galveston bay, showing that the Kiowa carried their raids in this direction even to the coast. Within a year of their coming, and before he had learned English, a Kiowa war party attacked the settlement at night, carried off himself, his mother, and his brother, and probably killed his father; his mother was taken in another direction and he never saw her again; she was afterward ransomed by Tométe, the trader already mentioned; his brother committed suicide during the cholera epidemic of 1849; Bóiñ-edal is still with the tribe.

As his name indicates, he is a typical German in appearance, and still remembers a few words of his mother language, besides having a fair knowledge of English and Spanish, although he does not remember his own name or birthplace. It was about the same time that the Comanche raided Barker's fort, on the Navasota, in eastern Texas, and carried off the girl Cynthia Parker, who afterward became the mother of Quanah, the present chief of the tribe. The story of these captives may have a hundred parallels among the three confederated tribes.

[FIG. 71--Winter 1835-36--Big-face killed]

WINTER 1835-36

Tó`-edalte (Big-face) was shot through the body and killed by the Mexicans while on a raid into old Mexico. This is Set-t'an's statement, which is borne out by the picture of a man, whose name is indicated by the figure of a big head or face above. Other informants, however, deny any knowledge of such a man, and in the notes accompanying the Scott calendar he is called Wolf-hair. The gunshot wound is indicated in the ordinary way.

SUMMER 1836

_Gui P a K`ádó_, "Wolf-river sun dance." The figure of a wolf or coyote above the medicine lodge indicates that the dance was held on _Gui P a_ or Wolf river, i. e., Wolf-creek fork of the North Canadian. Soon after the dance the Kiowa moved to another camp north of the Arkansas, while the Kiñep band went on to pay a social visit to the Crows and buy from them ermine and elk teeth for ornamenting their buckskin shirts and the dresses of the women. After they had gone, those who remained behind were attacked in their camp by the whole Cheyenne tribe, but the Kiowa threw up breastworks and defended themselves until their assailants were compelled to retire.

[Illustration: FIG. 72--Summer 1836--Wolf-river sun dance]

WINTER 1836-37

_K`íñähíate Ehótal-de Sai_, "Winter that K`íñähíate was killed." K`íñähíate ("Man") was killed in an expedition against the _Ä´-t'á`ká-i_, "Timber Mexicans," or Mexicans of Tamaulipas and the lower Rio Grande. The tribe was camped on upper Red river at the time. The name is indicated by a small figure of a man above a similar larger figure, with which it is connected by a line, the death wound being indicated on the lower figure. No better illustration of the wide range of the Kiowa could be given than the fact that while one band was thus raiding in Mexico another, as we have just seen, was visiting upon the upper Missouri.

[Illustration: FIG. 73--Winter 1836-37--K`íñähíate killed]

SUMMER 1837

_Säk`ota Ä´otón-de Pai_, "Summer that the Cheyenne were massacred," or _Á`k`ádo Pai_, "Wailing sun-dance summer." The figure is the conventional Indian symbol for a battle, with the party attacked defending themselves behind breastworks thrown up in the sand, and the arrows flying among them; below the main figure is another of a man wearing a war bonnet. Compare the battle pictographs from the Dakota calendars as given by Mallery (figure 75).

[Illustration: FIG. 74-Summer 1837--Cheyenne massacred]

At the time of the fight the Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache were camped upon a small tributary of Scott creek (_Pohón-ä P'a_, "Walnut creek"), an upper branch of the North fork of Red river, southward from the present Port Elliott in the panhandle of Texas. It was in early summer, and they were preparing for the sun dance; a young man was out alone straightening arrows when he saw two men creeping up, with grass over their faces. Thinking they were Kiowa deer hunters, he advanced to meet them, when they fired and wounded him and his horse; he fled back to camp and gave the alarm, and Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache rushed out in pursuit. They soon came up with a small party of the enemy, who proved to be Cheyenne. The Kiowa and their allies killed three of them there, and following the fugitives killed several others; continuing along the trail down the north side of the creek to a short distance below its junction with Sweetwater, they came upon the main camp of the Cheyenne, who dug holes in the sand and made a good defense, but were at last all killed except one, who strangled himself with a rope to avoid capture. The bodies of the dead Cheyenne, 48 in number, were scalped, stripped, and laid along the ground in a row by the victors. Six Kiowa were killed, including the grandfather of the present Lone-wolf. T'ébodal, the oldest man now in the tribe, was engaged in this encounter.

[Illustration: FIG. 75--Battle pictures (from the Dakota calendars)]

Set-t´an states that one Cheyenne wearing a war bonnet was killed as he came out of a tipi (see figure 271). Other informants do not remember this, but say that the Kiowa captured a fine medicine lance in a feathered case, and also a _pabón_ or Dog-soldier staff, of the kind carried by those who were pledged to die at their post. The stream where the battle took place is since, called _Sä´k`ota Ä´otón-de P'a_, "Creek where the Cheyennes were massacred." The summer of the occurrence is sometimes called _Á'k`ádá Pai_, "Wailing sun-dance summer," because, although the Kiowa wailed for their dead, the sun dance was not on that account abandoned.

WINTER 1837-38

_A´daltem Etkúegán-de Sai_, "Winter that they dragged the head." The figure above the winter mark shows a horseman carrying a bloody scalp upon a lance and dragging a bloody head at the end of a reata.

Three Comanche, two men and a woman, were camped alone one night in a tipi on the Clear fork of the Brazos (_Ä´sese P'a_, "Wooden-arrowpoint river"), in Texas, when one of them noticed somebody raise the door-flap and then quickly drop it again; he told the others, and as silently and swiftly as possible they ran out, and jumping over a steep bank of the creek hid themselves just a moment before their enemies returned and fired into the vacated tipi. The Comanche returned the fire from their hiding place and then made their escape to a Kiowa camp near by. In the morning the Kiowa returned to the spot, together with the Comanche, and found a dead Arapaho lying where he had been shot; they scalped and beheaded him, and brought the head into camp dragging at the end of a reata. The old German captive, Bóiñ-edal, then a little boy and who had been with the Indians about two years, witnessed this barbarous spectacle and still remembers the thrill of horror which it sent through him.

[Illustration: FIG. 76--Winter 1837-38--Head dragged.]

SUMMER 1838

_Gúi-p'ágya Sä´k`ota Ĭmdóhä´pa-de Pai_, "Summer that the Cheyenne attacked the camp on "Wolf river." The combined warriors of the Cheyenne and Arapaho organized a great war party against the Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache, to revenge the defeats of the previous two years. They attacked the camps of the three confederated tribes on Wolf creek (_Gui P'a_), a short distance above where that stream joins Beaver creek and forms the North Canadian, in Oklahoma. They killed several women who were out digging roots and some men whom they found out on the prairie after buffalo, but were unable to take the camp, as the Kiowa and their allies sheltered themselves in holes dug in the ground so as to form a circular breastwork. Among others the Kiowa lost Gui-k`ate and several other distinguished men.

[Illustration: FIG. 77--Summer 1838--Attacked by Cheyenne.]

The figure shows the warriors of the three confederate tribes, indicated by the three tipis, within the breastwork, with the bullets and arrows flying toward them, the bullets (from which it is evident that the Cheyenne had some guns) being represented by black dots with wavy lines streaming behind to indicate the motion.

WINTER 1838-39

While the Kiowa were all together in their winter camp some who had gone out upon the prairie discovered a party approaching. They returned and gave the alarm, upon which all the warriors went out and attacked the strangers, who proved to be Arapaho, killing them all. Set-t'an's father, Tĕn-píäk`ia ("Heart-eater"), was wounded in the leg in this fight, as indicated by the figure of a man, with blood flowing from a wound in the leg, below the battle picture.

[Illustration: _Fig._ 78--Winter 1838-39--Battle with Arapaho.]

SUMMER 1839

_Píhó K`ádó_, "Peninsula sun dance." The peninsula or bend is indicated by a line bending around the medicine lodge. The dance is thus designated because held in the _píhó_, or peninsula, on the south side of the Washita, a short distance below Walnut creek, within the present limits of the reservation. This dance simply serves as a tally date, as nothing of more special interest is recorded for the summer. It would seem that the incursions of the Cheyenne and Arapaho had prevented the usual holding of the _k`ádó_ for the two preceding years.

[Illustration: Fig. 79--Summer 1839--Peninsula sun dance.]

WINTER 1839-4O

_Tä´dalkop Sai_, "Smallpox winter." The Kiowa were ravaged by the smallpox, the second visitation of that disease within their memory, the first having been in 1818. The disease is indicated in the conventional Indian manner by means of the figure of a man covered with red spots (compare figures from Mallery's Dakota calendar; see also 1861-62 and 1892). It was brought by some visiting Osage, and spread at once through the Kiowa, Apache, and Comanche, killing a great number in each tribe. The Kiowa and Apache fled to the Staked plain to escape it, and the Comanche in some other direction.

[Illustration: _Fig._ 80--Winter 1839-40--Smallpox.]

This was the great smallpox epidemic which began on the upper Missouri in the summer of 1837 and swept the whole plains north and south, destroying probably a third, if not more, of the native inhabitants, some whole tribes being nearly exterminated. The terribly fatal result of smallpox among Indians is due largely to the fact that their only treatment for this disease and for measles, both of which came to them from the whites, is the sweat bath followed by the cold plunge. In this instance the disease first broke out among the passengers of a steamer in the Missouri river above Fort Leavenworth, and although every effort was made to warn the Indians by sending runners in advance, the sickness was communicated to them. It appeared first among the Mandan about the middle of July, 1837, and practically destroyed that tribe, reducing them in a few weeks from about sixteen hundred to thirty-one souls. Their neighboring and allied tribes, the Arikara and Minitarí, were reduced immediately after from about four thousand to about half that number. The artist Catlin gives a melancholy account of the despair and destruction of the Mandan.

[Illustration: _Fig._ 81--Smallpox (from the Dakota calendars)]

From the Mandan it spread to the north and west among the Crows, Asiniboin, and Blackfeet. Among the last named it is estimated to have destroyed from six to eight thousand (_Clark, 13_). As the plains tribes were then almost unknown to the general government, we find little of all this in the official reports beyond the mention that over sixty lodges of Yanktonais Dakota--perhaps four hundred persons--died by this disease about the same time (_Report, 75_). In 1838 it reached the Pawnee, being communicated by some Dakota prisoners captured by them, in the spring of that year. From the best information it seems probable that at least two thousand Pawnee perished (_Clark, 14_), about double the whole population of the tribe today. It probably continued southward through the Osage until it reached the Kiowa and Comanche the next year, although it is possible that it may have come more directly from the east through the emigrating Chickasaw, who brought it with them to Indian Territory in the spring of 1838 (_Report, 76_). We learn (_Gregg, 6_) that the disease ravaged New Mexico in the spring of 1840 and was again carried east to the frontiers of the United States by the Santa Fé traders.

SUMMER 184O

[Illustration: FIG. 82--Summer 1840--Red-bluff sun dance.]

_Gúadal Dóhá K`údó_, "Red-bluff sun dance," so called because held at _Gúadal Dóha_ on the north side of the South Canadian, about the mouth of Mustang creek, in the panhandle of Texas. The (red) figure over the medicine lodge is intended to represent the "red bluff." The Red hills on the North Canadian above Fort Reno are called by the same name, but distinguished by the prefix _Sä´k`odal_, "Cheyenne."

The prominent event of this summer was the peace made by the Arapaho and Cheyenne with the Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache--a peace which, with trifling interruptions, has been kept to this day. According to the Kiowa account, the first overtures were made by the Cheyenne, who sent two delegates with proposals, but the Kiowa were suspicious and sent them back. The Cheyenne then made a second attempt, with more success, and a peace was concluded. The Arapaho were included in this treaty, but, as the Kiowa say, had always been in doubtful friendship, even when their allies, the Cheyenne, were at war with the Kiowa. On the occasion of the notable massacre of Cheyenne, in 1837, the Arapaho were camped with the Kiowa and left to give the alarm to their friends. This agrees with the conduct of the Arapaho in more recent times in remaining neutral while their Cheyenne confederates were at war with the whites.

WINTER 1840-41

_Ká-i Sabíña Dam Sai_, "Hide-quiver war expedition winter." The figure of a quiver is above the winter mark. This winter is so called on account of a notable war expedition made by the old men into Mexico, they equipping themselves with old bows and quivers of buffalo skin, as all the younger warriors had already gone against Mexico, carrying all the more efficient weapons and ornate quivers. The latter were usually of panther skin or Mexican leather, but never of deer, antelope, or buffalo skin if it could be avoided.

[Illustration: FIG. 83--Winter 1840-41--Hide-quiver war expedition.]

SUMMER 1841

As the Kiowa were constantly moving about this summer, no sun dance was held. The Arapaho met and attacked a party of Pawnee at _T'aíñ Dóhá_, "White bluff," on the upper South Canadian, near the line of New Mexico, and killed all of them. The Pawnee threw up breastworks, but, according to the Kiowa account, an Arapaho medicine-man who knew the proper medicine song sat down facing the breastworks and sang the song, moving his hands as in the hand game, and thus "drove them out," when they were killed in line one after another as they ran. The Kiowa were not present at the fight, but met and joined the Arapaho just afterward, when a final treaty of peace was concluded between the two tribes. Stumbling-bear visited the spot some years afterward and saw the skeletons of the dead Pawnee warriors still lying as they fell.

[Illustration: FIG. 84--Summer 1841--Pawnee fight.]

The figure represents the bluff with the Pawnee below it, the tribe being indicated by the peculiar Pawnee scalplock and headdress (see winters 1849-50 and 1852-53, and summer 1851). The breastwork is omitted, perhaps through oversight. As there was no sun dance this summer, the medicine lodge is not represented. It will be noted that the "white bluff" is drawn only in outline, i. e. white, while the figure of the "red bluff" (summer 1840) is filled in with red.

WINTER 1841--1842

_´dalhabä´-k`ia Ehótal-de Sai_ "Winter that ´dalhabä´k`ia was killed." _´dal-habä´_ or _âdl-habä´_, "sloping, or one-sided hair," is the name applied to a style of wearing the hair shaved close over the right side of the head, so as to display the ear pendants, and at full length on the left. The hair is not braided, but is sometimes tied, and the scalplock is worn as usual. The man killed, who was a noted war chief, wore his hair in this fashion, hence his name. The picture is intended to represent the style of hair dress, with the mark of a wound on the body to show where he was shot. The bird on top of his head is intended to represent an ornament of red woodpecker feathers, which he wore on the left side of his head. Another Kiowa chief present on this occasion was K'adógyä´`tó, "Old-man-of-the-sun-dance," so called because consecrated to the _taíme_, the sacred image of the sun dance.

[Illustration: FIG. 85--Winter 1841-42--´dalhabä´k`ia killed.]

The fight occurred in the fall of 1841 on a small stream called by the Kiowa _Tóñ-zó`gódal P'a_, "Swift-water river," or _Päbo P'a_, "American-horse river," south of Red river, near the Staked plain, and apparently a head branch of Pease river in northwestern Texas. The whole Kiowa tribe was camped on the stream when a party of Texan soldiers advanced against them. Five scouts who were in advance of the soldiers were killed by the Kiowa and their horses captured, but with the loss of ´dalhabä´k`ia. Abandoning their camp, the Kiowa fled, but returning a few days later, they found the soldiers still there and succeeded in killing another. On account of the number of large American horses captured by the Kiowa in this encounter the stream was afterward called by them "American-horse river."

The party encountered by the Kiowa on this occasion was the Texan Santa Fé expedition, and the fight occurred on August 30, 1841. The whole story as given by Kendall corresponds remarkably with the Indian account, which was obtained without any knowledge of the printed statement on the part of either the author or his informants, having been handed down orally for over half a century. The affair occurred, as already stated, on the edge of the Staked plain while the party was searching for Red river and near a stream which Kendall calls the Quintufue. Several days previously the expedition had met a number of Kiowa, who had acted insolently, and were apparently responsible later on for several missing horses and mules.

On the 28th the Texans had crossed the stream and come suddenly upon the main camp of the Kiowa, who fled at their approach.

Scarcely had we unsaddled our horses and turned them loose before one of our hunting parties came in and reported that a large body of Indians were in our immediate vicinity, and that they had driven off an immense _cavallada_ or drove of horses. Soon another party arrived with information that they had met a small body of Indians, one of whom spoke Spanish. They said that they were Caygüas, and on being interrogated concerning the direction towards Santa Fé, gave equivocal answers. They pointed to the southwest, however, to what appeared a passage through the hills, and said that was the direction to Chihuahua. They pretended to know nothing about Rio Colorado or Red river. These Indians were mounted on fine horses, were dressed in buckskin, and armed with lances and bows and arrows.

The stream upon which we were now encamped appeared to have its source in the long chain of hills upon our left and ran in nearly a northeast direction. A short distance above us, occupying a beautiful situation on the same stream, the main camp of the Indians in our neighborhood was discovered. It had apparently been just deserted, the inhabitants in their great haste to drive off and secure their horses not having time even to cache their other property. Tent poles, skins, numerous rough utensils, besides a quantity of dried buffalo, mustang, and deer meat were found precisely as they had left them. The latter we appropriated to our own use, and in our half-starving condition was found extremely palatable....

Two days later they were preparing for their morning start, when suddenly a young man came dashing into camp from the northward, evidently much agitated, and announced that a large body of Indians were pursuing a party of our men directly towards us. Scarcely had he finished speaking before firing was heard but a few hundred yards distant, a slight roll of the prairie concealing the combatants from our sight. Fast as they could mount horses a party of some fifty of our men dashed off toward the scene of strife, while the wagons were drawn up in square, the cattle and horses brought inside, and every preparation made to resist an attack, which was now considered certain. The first impression was that the scouting parties had been entirely cut off and that these successes would induce the Indians to attack our main body.

Just as the party of our men who had gone out to the relief of their companions reached the spot the Indians retreated; but their bloody work was done. Scattered about within the circumference of a few yards were the dead bodies of Lieutenant Hull and four of our men, stripped, scalped, and horribly mutilated, while the appearance of the ground gave strong evidence that manfully and with strong hearts they had resisted the attack of their adversaries. They had left camp but a short time previous, probably with the hope of finding water, and in returning had been thus cruelly murdered. But one look at their mangled bodies was sufficient to stir deep feelings of revenge in every heart, and madly did our men spur their horses in pursuit, with the vain hope of avenging the death of their companions. The Indians were at least four times their number, yet they retreated, and being far better mounted were able to keep out of the way. So near, however, were our men that they could plainly see the dead bodies of several of the Indians packed upon extra horses they had with them for that purpose. The prairie warriors always have horses trained especially to carry off their dead or wounded companions, which they take with them on going into action, and it is considered one of the greatest calamities that can befall them if they are compelled to leave one of their number in the hands of an enemy.

The pursuit of the bloodthirsty Caygüas, for such the Indians proved to be, was continued by our men until it was evident that they could not be overtaken, and then reluctantly given up. Several times during the chase the Indians reined up their well-trained horses on the higher rolls of the prairies and formed in line as if intending to give battle; but before our men could get within gunshot they were off again with lightning speed across the plain. On returning to the spot where our men had fallen, a closer examination showed how hard and desperate had been the struggle. Lieutenant Hull had received no less than thirty arrow and lance wounds before he fell, and the broken stock of one of Colt's rifles was still retained in the grasp of a stout man named Mayby, plainly telling us that he had fought to the last, and that after discharging the piece he had still continued the combat. The heart of one of the men was cut out, and had not the Indians been driven off the other bodies would have been mutilated in the same way. Two of the horses of our unfortunate comrades were lanced close by; the others were probably in better condition and more able to run, and had been taken off as spoils by the savages. It was evident enough that Lieutenant Hull and his men had retreated from the Indians until they had found it impossible to elude them, and that they had then thrown themselves from their horses in a body and sold their lives at a fearful rate. The resistance they made had probably terrified their adversaries and induced them to fly when they saw our party coming up, although they outnumbered the Texans at least as three to one.

A party of fifty well-armed men, taking with them shovels, were sent out immediately on the melancholy errand of burying our murdered companions, while the main body retraced their steps toward the Quintufue...

They [the Kiowas] appear to be on terms of peace with the New Mexicans so far as it suits their interest and convenience--no further; at one time trading and exchanging their skins in amity, and almost in the same breath making a descent upon the unprotected frontiers, plundering and frequently murdering the inhabitants. When we passed through their country a party of Mexican traders were among them bartering meal, blankets, and trinkets for buffalo and deer skins. Some of these Mexicans we afterward saw, and from them learned that ten of their warriors, besides a principal chief, were killed by Lieutenant Hull and his brave companions before they were overpowered. The traders also gave us an account of their ceremonies on returning to camp with their scalps and trophies. A wild dance was executed by the braves in celebration of their victory, while the women tore their hair and faces and ran naked through the prickly pear and thorn bushes in token of their grief for the loss of their husbands and brothers (_Kendall, 2_).

[Illustration: FIG. 86--Summer 1842--Repeated sun dance.]

SUMMER 1842

_Ä´dăldä K`ádó_, "Repeated sun dance." The summer is called by this name because, as indicated in the figure, it was remarkable for two sun dances held at the same place on _K`ádó P'a_, or "Sun-dance creek" (Kiowa Medicine-lodge creek, which enters the North Canadian near 100°). This could happen only when two individuals in succession had been so instructed in dreams. In this instance the two dreamers belonged to different camps and made their requests of the _taíme_ keeper almost simultaneously. After the first sun dance, when the _taíme_ priest had gone home, instead of taking down the medicine lodge and building a new one, they decked it with fresh leaves and held the second dance in it.

WINTER 1842-43

_Gaá-k`ódălte Hém-de Sai_, "Winter that Crow-neck died." The chief Gaá-k`ódălte, or "Crow-neck," died in the late fall of 1842 at _Gómgyä Dan_, "Wind canyon," above _Gáñta P'a_, "Trading river," an upper branch of Double-mountain fork of Brazos river in Texas. He was a Kiñep with a Crow wife (see summer, 1836), and was the adopted father of the German captive, Bóiñ-edal, already mentioned. The figure shows him in connection with a crow, to indicate his name.

SUMMER 1843

_Ä´ntsenkúădal-de K`ádó_, "Nest-building sun dance." The figure is intended to show a bird's nest at the top of the center pole of the medicine lodge. This dance, like the last, was held on _K`ádó P'a_, which was a favorite resort for the purpose, as the name indicates, at least five Kiowa sun dances having been held there. The occasion is rendered memorable by the fact that a crow built her nest and laid her eggs upon the center pole of the medicine lodge after the dance was over.

[Illustration: FIG. 87--Winter 1842-43--Crow-neck died.]

After the dance a war party under (the former) Big-bow and Kicking-bird went into Texas and captured a number of horses. On their return they met a party of soldiers carrying American flags, and believing them to be Americans (i. e., Northerners, as distinguished from Texans), whom they regarded as friends, they shook hands with them and gave them back the horses. They afterward learned that the whites were Texans, who had adopted this stratagem to deceive them. The Texans also had with them a captive Comanche and a Mexican. The Kiowa rescued the Comanche, but left the Mexican, as no one wanted him.

WINTER 1843-44

The event here recorded occurred at or immediately after the sun dance in the summer of 1843, but is indicated above the winter mark as a matter of convenience. The figure represents a woman wounded in the breast.

After the women have cut down the trees for the medicine lodge they drag them to the place where the lodge is to be erected, escorted by a body of warriors in front and on each side. A warrior frequently invites a woman to get up and ride behind him, and the invitation is generally accepted. Among some tribes a procession in which the women ride behind the men is a feature of the ceremony. Although this is customary, it sometimes gives rise to jealous feelings on the part of husbands or lovers. On this occasion, at the invitation of the chief Dohásän, a woman got upon his horse behind him, which so enraged her husband that he stabbed her. The woman recovered, and the husband received no other punishment than a rebuke from Dohásän, who told him that he ought to have better sense, as he (Dohásän) was a great chief and an old man--too old to be running after girls.

[Illustration: FIG. 88--Summer 1843--Nest-building sun dance.]

Immediately after the dance, a war party under Gíădedéete (Faces-the-line), went against the _Ä´-t'a`ká-i_ (Timber Mexicans) or Mexicans of Tamaulipas. They killed a number of people and destroyed houses, but on recrossing the Rio Grande encountered a body of Mexican troops when Gíădedéete and two others were killed.

In the following winter K`ódal-aká-i, "Wrinkled-neck," a clerk of the Bents, built a log trading house about a mile below _Gúadal Dóha_, "Red bluff," on the South Canadian, near the mouth of Mustang creek and a few miles above Adobe Walls, in the Texas panhandle (see winters 1845-46 and 1864-65). It is also stated that the same man, at a later period, built another trading post at a fine spring a few miles above this one at _Gúadal Dóha_ on the same (north) side of the river.

[Illustration: FIG. 89--Winter 1843-44--Woman stabbed.]

SUMMER 1844

_K`ódalpäk`iä K`ádó_, "Dakota sun dance." A number of mounted Dakota paid a friendly visit to the Kiowa to dance and receive presents of ponies, while the Kiowa were engaged in the sun dance, which was held, like the last two preceding, on _K`ádó P'a_ or Kiowa Medicine-lodge creek. Although the Dakota had been at war with the Kiowa when the latter lived in the north, the two tribes had now been friends for a long time, so long that the old men do not remember when the peace was made.

[Illustration: Fig. 90--Summer 1844--Dakota sun dance.]

The Dakota are represented by the figure of a man's bust, wearing a _k`ódalpä_ or necklace bracelet of long shell or bone tubes, popularly known among the traders as Iroquois beads. The Kiowa call the Dakota the _K'ódalpä-k`íägo_, "Necklace people," and say that the Dakota were the original wearers of such necklaces.

The explanation appears to be a myth founded on a misconception of the tribal sign for Dakota, which is the same as for necklace, i.e., a sweeping pass of the hand across the throat, but commonly translated "beheaders" when applied to that tribe.

WINTER 1844-45

_Ä´-tahá-ik`í Ehótal-de Sai_, "Winter that War-bonnet-man was killed." The figure shows a man wearing a war-bonnet (_ä´-tahá-i_) and with a wound in his breast. He is further distinguished by the crosses (stars) with which his war shirt is ornamented. This "medicine shirt" was covered with dark-blue stars, with a green moon in front, in addition to which he wore a fine war-bonnet. He was also called Sét-k`ódalte, "Bear-neck."

The brother of Zépko-eéte (Big-bow, grandfather of the present old Big-bow, from whom he takes his name) had been killed in Tamaulipas, and at the last sun dance Big-bow had "given the pipe" to the Kiowa and their allies to revenge him. A large party of over two hundred warriors, including a number of Apache and Comanche, set out under Big-bow, and after crossing the Rio Grande and approaching the Salado (_Señ P'a_, "Cactus river") they reached a stone fort, in which a small number of Mexicans, not soldiers, had taken refuge. The Mexicans had with them their families, also two Indians, who wore feather crests upon their heads. The fort was so provided with loopholes that they could fire upon the attacking party, themselves remaining concealed. The first attack was repulsed, and Ä´-tahá-ik`í was killed; but the besiegers succeeded in piling wood against the log walls of the fort and setting fire to it, when all the defenders were either burned or killed as they tried to escape. ´dalpepte took part in this affair. After this fight the Kiowa warriors went farther into Mexico and had another encounter, in which Big-bow, the leader, was killed, in consequence of which the war party returned home.

[Illustration: FIG 91--Winter 1844-45--Ä´-tahá-ik`í killed.]

"Giving the pipe" is the ceremonial way of enlisting recruits for a large war party. For small expeditions the invitation is given as described in treating of the _Gúa-dágya_ (winter 1862-63). At the time of the annual summer assemblage for the sun dance the organizer of the expedition, who must necessarily be a person of some prominence, sends a pipe to the leaders of each of the principal warrior orders--_Kâ´itséñko_, _T'äñpéko_, etc.--in turn. If these leaders sanction the enterprise, they themselves smoke and present the pipe to the members of their orders at their next meeting, and all who smoke engage themselves by this act to join the expedition at the time appointed by the original giver of the pipe. No one is obliged to smoke against his will, but when a sufficient number have determined upon the expedition, it takes precedence of all others, and no other parties or individuals may start out against the enemy in any direction until this expedition is concluded.

[Illustration: FIG. 92--Giving the war pipe (from the Dakota calendars).]

SUMMER 1845

_Tsó-`k`ódal K`ádó_, "Stone-necklace sun dance." The figure above the medicine lodge is intended to represent a girl, distinguished by short sleeves, with a stone hanging from her neck.

This dance, like the three preceding, was held on _K ádó P'a_ (Kiowa Medicine lodge creek), which was a favorite stream for the purpose, on account of the abundance there of cottonwoods, of which the medicine lodge was constructed. The event which distinguished the dance was the death of a girl named Tsó-k`ódalte (for Tsó-k`ódalpä-te), "Stone-necklace," who was much beloved by her father, and the consequent wailing for her during the season of the ceremony.

[Illustration: FIG. 93--Summer 1845--Stone-necklace sun dance]

WINTER 1845-46

In this winter K`ódal-aká-i, "Wrinkled-neck," built a trading post on the South Canadian. The picture is sufficiently suggestive. This post was in the panhandle of Texas, on the north bank of the South Canadian (_Gúadal P'a_, "Red river"), just above Bosque Grande creek and about 2 miles above the entrance of Red-deer creek (_Ko`gá-i P'a_, "Elk creek"). It was in a swampy and well-timbered location, just west of one of the main trails from Arkansas river southward. It was owned by William Bent, called by the Kiowa Máñtahák`ia ("Hook-nose-man," "Roman-nose") who, in the spring of 1844, had built a trading post, as already noted, at _Gúadal Dóha_, higher up on the same river. Both were in charge of a clerk known to the Kiowa as K`ódal-aká-i, "Wrinkled-neck."

The removal of Bent's base of operations from the Arkansas to the Canadian seems to have marked the southward drifting of the tribes, in consequence of the destruction of the buffalo and the encroachments of the Dakota, as noted by Frémont and other western explorers of this period. At the same time the Kiowa had dealings with another trading post, kept by William Allison, known to them as Tsódal-héñte, "No-arm," on Arkansas river at the junction of upper Walnut creek, in Kansas. As has been stated, the first trading post ever established in their country was built by Chouteau, on Cache creek, near the present Fort Sill.

[Illustration: FIG. 94--Winter 1845-46-Wrinkled-neck's trading post]

SUMMER 1846

_Pá-guñhéñté Äópäñ-de K`ádó_, "Sun dance when Hornless-bull was made a Kâ´itséñi-k`ia." The figure beside the medicine lodge represents a man with the feather headdress and paint of the Kâ´itséñko, the chief order of the warrior society. There is nothing to indicate the name of the individual, which is carried in the memory of the artist. This dance was held on a small tributary of the North Canadian, a short distance above Kiowa Medicine-lodge creek.

The Yä´`pähe or military organization of the Kiowa has been already noted. The highest order was the Kâ´itséñko, or "Real dogs (?)," a select body of ten of the bravest warriors, who were pledged to lead every desperate charge and to keep their place in the front of battle until they won victory or death. With this purpose in view, their leader carried a ceremonial arrow, with which he anchored himself to the ground by means of a broad sash of elk-skin, which encircled his neck like a collar and hung down at his right side to the earth; at the lower end, where it trailed upon the ground, there was a hole, and when forming line for the charge it was his duty to dismount in front of his warriors, and, by thrusting the arrow through this hole, to fix himself in this position, there to remain until his party was victorious, or until, seeing that all was lost, they gave him liberty to retreat by pulling out the arrow from the ground. Should they forget this in the hurry of their flight, he must remain and die at his post. During the action, also, he was obliged to remain stationary, without endeavoring in any way to avoid the danger.

[Illustration: FIG. 95--Summer 1846--Hornless-bull initiated.]

Whenever a leader died or was killed another was selected from among the Kâ´itséñko to carry the arrow. As the regulations governing it were adhered to very strictly, it can readily be understood that on the occasion of an election the office usually sought the man. As the Kiowa or other tribes, however, had no desire to sacrifice their bravest men needlessly, the ceremonial arrow or its equivalent was carried only when the expedition meant war to the bitter end against the enemy. In the absence of this emblem of his rank the owner took his place as an ordinary warrior. He might even lend it to a warrior who wished to distinguish himself in a war party while the owner remained at home; but should he do this when any serious expedition was in preparation, he was considered to be a coward and was degraded from his rank. The leaders of the Tóñkóñko, "Black legs," another warrior order, carried a lance somewhat resembling a shepherd's crook and called a _pabón_, which had nearly the same purpose as the arrow of the Kâ´itséñko. The noted chief Set-ängya, who was killed at Fort Sill in 1871, was the leader of the Kâ´itséñko at that time, and deliberately invited death in accordance with the obligation of his office.

The Kâ´itséñko initiations took place only on the occasion of a sun dance and were not of frequent occurrence, so that the event was always a matter of considerable importance. The membership was always kept up to the requisite number of ten. The prominent feature of the ceremony was the investiture of the new members with the _ópäm-yaípo_, or collar sash of the order; hence the verb _äópä_, "to initiate into the Kâ´itséñko," which is derived from the verb _äópäñ_, "to tie with a rope around the neck." This ceremony evidently explains the picture from the Dakota calendar (figure 96) which Mallery translates "they made bands of strips of blankets in the winter," and goes on to say: "These bands were of mixed colors and reached from the shoulders to the heels. They also made rattles of deer-hoofs by tying them to sticks with bead-covered strings. The man has a sash over his shoulders and a rattle in his hand." The rattle was also a part of the ceremonial equipment of the Dog-soldiers, and as the Dakota calendar does not distinguish between seasons, the ceremony may as easily have taken place in the summer, the ordinary season for Indian celebrations on the plains.

[Illustration: FIG. 96--Dog-Soldier initiated(?) (from the Dakota calendars).]

Of the ten _ópäm-yaípo_, the principal one, called the _yaípo-kóñkya_, "black rope," was made of elk-skin colored black and was worn by the leader, the most noted of whom in recent memory was Set-ängya. Three were made of red cloth and were called _yaípo-gúădal_, "red ropes," while the remaining six were made of elk-skin dyed red and were called simply _ópäm-yaípo_. Any of the Kâ´itséñko was at liberty, if he did not choose to go on a particular expedition, to lend his sash to another for the occasion; but if cowardice was suspected to be his motive for this action he was degraded from his rank and the sash taken from him and given to a braver man. Usually each one had a younger partner (_tsä_), whom he allowed to wear his sash while in camp or even on less important expeditions, but when any great war party was on foot, he must wear it and go himself or run the risk of being considered a coward. When a wearer became too old to go to war, he formally resigned his sash to some younger man whom he deemed worthy to wear it, the recipient acknowledging the honor with presents of blankets or other property. Sometimes the sash was publicly taken from a warrior grown too old to wear it in battle, but this was not necessarily regarded as a degradation when there was no implication of cowardice.

WINTER 1846-47

_Sénpága Etá`ga-de Sai_, "Winter when they shot the mustache." The figure represents a man shot in the mustache or upper lip by an arrow. The long hair and the breech-cloth shows that he was an Indian, and the beard or mustache is exaggerated to accentuate the idea. Mustaches are not infrequent among the older men of the Kiowa, and Set-ängya had almost a full beard.

While the Kiowa were encamped for the winter on Elk creek, a tributary of the North fork of Red river, within the limits of the present reservation, a band of Pawnee coming on foot stole a number of their horses. The Kiowa pursued them northward and overtook them on the Washita and recovered the horses after a fight in which one Pawnee was killed. In this action Set-ängya engaged a Pawnee and was about to stab him with his lance when, his foot slipped on the snow, causing him to fall, and the Pawnee sent an arrow through Set-ängya's upper lip.

SUMMER 1847

_Mâ´nka-gúădal Ehótal-de Pai_, "Summer that Red-sleeve was killed." The figure shows the Indian leader with his war-bonnet and red sleeve. The medicine lodge is absent, showing that there was no sun dance that year.

[Illustration: FIG. 97--Winter 1846-47--Mustache shooting.]

Mânka-gúădal is the Kiowa name of the Comanche chief Red-sleeve (Îkämosa?), who was killed in an attack against a party of Santa Fé traders in Kansas, where the Santa Fé trail crossed Pawnee fork of the Arkansas, below the present Fort Larned, which was not built until 1859. Pawnee fork, properly called by the Kiowa _Aíkoñ P'a_, "Dark-timber river," is sometimes called by them from this circumstance _Mâ´nka-gúădal-de P'a_, "Red-sleeve's river." According to the story told by the Kiowa, they and the Comanche were out in search of the Pawnee when they met at this point a large party of white men with wagons--evidently Santa Fé traders. Red-sleeve wanted to attack them, but Set-ängya, the Kiowa leader, refused, saying that the whites were their friends. Red-sleeve then taunted the Kiowa as cowards, put on his war-bonnet, and, calling his Comanche, attacked the traders. The Kiowa, wishing to avoid trouble, drew off. About the first fire a bullet went through the leg of Red-sleeve and into the spine of his horse, so that the animal fell, pinning his wounded rider to the ground. He called on Set-ängya to help him, but the Kiowa chief refused on account of the taunt of cowardice, and the white men came up to Red-sleeve and shot him.

[Illustration: FIG. 98--Summer 1847--Red-sleeve killed.]

As the government had but little communication with the tribes of the southern plains until some years after the Mexican war, there is no direct notice of this occurrence in the official reports, but a letter by agent Fitzpatrick in the report of the Indian Commissioner for 1848, the year after the attack upon the train, bears out the statement of the Kiowa that they were anxious to keep peace with the whites, even at the risk of quarreling with the Comanche and losing some very profitable business opportunities. Speaking of depredations upon parties traveling on the emigrant roads and the Santa Fé trail, he says:

Before leaving there [Bent's fort] last February I had an interview with some of the Kiaway chiefs, and who have heretofore been allies of the Comanches. They expressed themselves as sorry for having anything to do with the war against us, and promised to quit their country and all intercourse with the Comanches and join the Cheyennes on the Arkansas, who are the friends of the whites. This course I approved, and since my departure from that country last spring learned that nearly all the Kiaways have moved to the country of the Cheyennes and Arapahoes and are living in perfect amity with the surrounding tribes.

He also states that there seem to have been fewer attacks made upon travelers along the Santa Fé road recently, which he can account for only on the supposition that "the Indians having, in 1846 and 1847, secured so much booty by their daring outrages upon travelers, are now and have been the past summer luxuriating in and enjoying the spoils" (_Report, 77_).

[Illustration: FIG. 99--Winter 1847-48--Winter camp.]

WINTER 1847-48

They camped all winter on _T'aiñ P'a_, "White river," an extreme upper branch of the South Canadian (perhaps identical with Major Long's creek). The figure represents the winter camp with the brush windbreak around it.

[Illustration: FIG. 100--Summer 1848--Initiation sun dance.]