229. T'águñótal P'a Sän--Cheyenne dance 379 · Part 7

Quite a number of the enemy acted as skirmishers, being dismounted and hid in the tall grass in our front, and made it hot for most of us by their excellent marksmanship, while quite the larger part of them, mounted and covered with their war dresses, charged continually across our front, from right to left and _vice versa_, about 200 yards from our line of skirmishers, yelling like demons, and firing from under the necks of their horses at intervals. About 200 yards in rear of their line, all through the fighting at the Adobe Walls, was stationed one of the enemy, who had a cavalry bugle, and during the entire day he would blow the opposite call that was used by the officer in our line of skirmishers; for instance, when our bugles sounded the "advance," he would blow "retreat," and when ours sounded the "retreat," he would follow with the "advance;" ours would signal "halt," he would follow suit. So he kept it up all the day, blowing as shrill and clearly as our very best buglers. Carson insisted that it was a white man, but I have never received any information to corroborate this opinion (_Pettis_).

It was most probably a Kiowa, possibly Set-t'aiñte himself, who was famous for a bugle, which instrument he blew as a signal on state occasions.

Deeming it unsafe to remain longer after destroying the first village, Carson formed the troops in marching order, with skirmishers in front and on the flanks and the howitzers bringing up the rear, and began the return march.

The enemy was not disposed to allow us to return without molestation, and in a very few minutes was attacking us on every side. By setting fire to the high, dry grass of the river bottom, they drove us to the foothills, and by riding in rear of the fire, as it came burning toward us, they would occasionally get within a few yards of the column; being enveloped in the smoke, they would deliver the fire of their rifles and get out of harm's way before they could be discovered by us.

On the side of the troops, Pettis reports two soldiers killed and twenty-one wounded, several mortally, together with one Ute killed and four wounded. He puts the Indian loss at nearly one hundred killed and between one hundred and one hundred and fifty wounded. The official report, which he quotes, makes the number of tipis in the village destroyed about one hundred and fifty and the Indian loss in killed and wounded together only sixty. Among these were four crippled or decrepit old Indians, who were killed in the tipis by a couple of Ute squaws searching for plunder. A buggy and spring wagon belonging to Sierrito or "Little-mountain" (Dohásän) are also mentioned as having been destroyed.

[Illustration: FIG. 137--Summer 1865--Peninsula sun dance.]

A signal instance of Indian bravery is noted by Pettis:

At one of the discharges the shell passed directly through the body of a horse on which was a Comanche riding at a full run, and went some 200 or 300 yards farther on before it exploded. The horse, on being struck, went head foremost to earth, throwing his rider, as it seemed, 20 feet into the air, with his hands and feet sprawling in all directions, and as he struck the earth, apparently senseless, two other Indians who were near by proceeded to him, one on each side, and throwing themselves over on the sides of their horses, seized each an arm and dragged him from the field between them, amid a shower of rifle balls from our skirmishers. This act of the Indians in removing their dead and helpless wounded from the field is always done, and more than a score of times were we eyewitnesses to this feat during the afternoon (_Pettis_).

SUMMER 1865

_Pihó K`ádó_, "Peninsula sun dance." It is so called because held in the peninsula or bend of the Washita on the south side, a short distance below the mouth of Walnut creek (_Zódăltoñ P'a_, "Vomiting-water river") within the present reservation. The Set-t'an calendar represents the medicine lodge in the bend, indicated by a curved line. In the Anko calendar the peninsula is more rudely indicated by a circle around the base of the medicine pole.

WINTER 1865-66

In this winter the Set-t'an calendar records the death of the noted war chief, Tä´n-kóñkya, "Black-warbonnet-top," on a southern tributary of the upper South Canadian. The war-bonnet is made conspicuous in the figure to call attention to his name.

The Anko calendar notes the death of the celebrated chief Dohásän, "Little-bluff," the greatest and most noted chief in the history of the tribe, who died on the Cimarron in this winter. The event is indicated by the figure of a wagon, he being the only Kiowa who owned a wagon at that time. For more than thirty years from the massacre by the Osage in 1833, he had been the recognized head chief of the Kiowa. His death left no one of sufficiently commanding influence to unite the tribe under one leadership, and thenceforth the councils of the Kiowa were divided under such rival chieftains as Set-t'aiñte and Kicking-bird until the unsuccessful outbreak of 1874 finally reduced them to the position of a reservation tribe and practically put an end to the power of the chiefs.

[Illustration: Fig. 138--Winter 1865-66--Tän-kóñkya died; Dohásän died.]

This winter is notable also for the arrival of a large trading party from Kansas under the leadership of a man named John Smith. He traded also among the Cheyenne, whose language he spoke, and was called by them _Póomûts_, "Gray-blanket," or "Saddle-blanket," these articles forming a part of his trading stock; this name the Kiowa corrupted into _Pohóme_. The party visited all the various camps of the Cheyenne and Kiowa, trading blankets and other goods for buffalo hides. Smith died among the Cheyenne after having lived more than forty years in the Indian country, and was buried in the sand hills near the present agency at Darlington, Oklahoma. His name appears in the official reports as government interpreter for the Cheyenne, and he rendered valuable assistance at the Medicine Lodge treaty in 1867.

SUMMER 1866

_Hâñ-kopédal K`ádó_, "Flat metal (i. e. German silver) sun dance," was held on Medicine-lodge creek, near its mouth, in Oklahoma. It was so called because a trader brought them at this time a large quantity of German silver, from which they made headdresses, belts for women, bracelets, and other ornaments. German silver is known to the Kiowa as "flat metal," because it is furnished to them in sheets, which they cut and hammer into the desired shapes. On both calendars the event is recorded in the same way, by the figure of a head pendent with silver disks placed near the medicine lodge. Such pendants were attached to the head of the scalplock, and consisted of a strip of buffalo hide reaching nearly to the ground and covered along the whole length with a row of silver, copper, or German-silver disks, gradually decreasing in size toward the bottom, which was usually finished off with a tuft of bright-colored horsehair. They were called _góm-â´dal-hâ´ñgya_, "back-hair-metal," and were highly prized by the warriors. This was not the first time the Kiowa had obtained German silver. In the old days these ornaments were made for them, of genuine silver, by Mexican silversmiths near the present Silver City, New Mexico.

Charles W. Whitacre (or Whittaker), the trader who brought their supply of metal on this occasion, together with sugar and other goods, had some knowledge of the Kiowa language, as well as of Comanche and Caddo, and is familiarly known to the older Kiowa as _Tsâli_, i. e., Charley. He was present at the Medicine Lodge treaty the next year, and afterward kept a trading store on the north side of the Washita, near the place where the Wichita school is now located, a short distance from the agency at Anadarko. He was killed by accidentally shooting himself about 1882.

[Illustration: FIG. 139--Summer 1866--German-silver sun dance.]

WINTER 1866-67

_Ä´pämâ´dal Ehótal-de Sai_, "Winter that Ä´pämâ'dalte was killed." The name signifies "Struck-his-head-against-a-tree." The same event is recorded on both calendars, the figures being sufficiently suggestive. He was a Mexican captive among the Kiowa, and was killed, in an encounter with troops or Texans, while with a party led by the present Big-bow, at a small creek on the main emigrant road to California (_Hóan T'a`ká-i_, "White-man's road") in southwestern Texas. When killed he was trying to stampede the horses which the Texans had left a short distance away. There is no official notice of this encounter in the reports, beyond general references to continual Kiowa raids into Texas.

In this winter, also, Andres Martinez, the most influential captive among the Kiowa, was bought by them from the Mescalero Apache, who had captured him a few months previously near Las Vegas, New Mexico. He was then seven years of age, and was adopted by the Kiowa, and at once taken by them on a raid into Mexico. His purchaser was Set-dayá-ite, "Many-bears," who was killed by the Ute in 1868.

[Illustration: FIG. 140--Winter 1866-67--Äpämâ'dalte killed.]

SUMMER 1867

_T'á-kóñ Ä´semtse-de K`ádó_, "Sun dance when Black-ear was stolen. This dance was held on the north bank of the Washita, near the western line of Oklahoma. The Cheyenne also attended. While the dance was in progress a party of Navaho stole a herd of Kiowa ponies, including a fine white racer with black ears, the kind most highly prized by the Indians. The Kiowa had no idea that the horses had been stolen by lurking enemies, but supposed that they had simply strayed, until after the dance was over, when the three tribes organized an expedition against the Navaho, at that time upon a reservation in eastern New Mexico, and there captured a number of horses, including the stolen herd. The event is recorded on the Set-t'an calendar by means of the figure of a white horse with black ears above the medicine lodge.

[Illustration: FIG. 141--Summer 1867--Black-ear stolen; the Kâ´itseñko.]

This dance is also designated as _Kâ´itséñko Edópäñ-de K`ádó_, "Sun dance when the _Kâitseñko_ were initiated" (and further distinguished from similar occasions by describing it as _"Ä´guntä P'a-gya_, "on Washita river"), from the fact that on this occasion the members of this order made new sashes for themselves. Some who had acted in a cowardly manner were degraded at the same time, their sashes stripped from them and given to others more worthy (see summer 1846). The event is indicated on the Anko calendar by means of a figure above the medicine lodge representing a man with the _Kâitseñko_ headdress and sash.

WINTER 1867-68

_Ä´yä´daldä Sai_, "Timber-hill winter," so-called on account of the famous treaty made this winter with the confederated tribes on Medicine-lodge creek, Kansas, known to the Kiowa as "_Ä´yä´daldä P'a_, Timber-hill river." The picture on the Set-t'an calendar is highly suggestive. It represents a white man, who appears to be a soldier, grasping the hand of an Indian, the locality being shown by the figure of a tree-covered hill above the winter-mark.

The Anko calendar has no reference to this treaty, which is the leading event in Kiowa history of the last thirty years, but records instead a minor occurrence, the killing by the Kiowa of a Navaho, indicated below the winter mark by the figure of a man with his hair bunched in Navaho fashion, wearing the characteristic black leggings and moccasins and carrying a quiver. He was killed near _Gúădal Dóhá_, on the upper South Canadian, by a party under White-horse, of which Anko was a member. On examining the body of the dead man they found that he had no ears, having probably been so born. For this reason the winter is sometimes known as _T'á-bódal Ehótal-de Sai_, "Winter that Spoiled-ear was killed." Several parties went against the Navaho on the Pecos this year (that tribe being still at the Bosque Redondo), particularly a large expedition, including nearly all the Comanche and about half of the Kiowa and Apache, which started immediately after the sun dance, defeated the Navaho in an important engagement, and returned in time for the treaty.

[Illustration: FIG. 142--Winter 1867-68--Medicine Lodge treaty; Navaho killed.]

The treaty of Medicine Lodge has already been discussed at length in another place. According to the statement of the Kiowa they were camped on the creek where they had held their sun dance, when they were summoned to Fort Larned. Set-t'aiñte, Set-ängya, Set-ĭmkía, and the other chiefs, with all their people, at once moved to that point, where they met an officer who, they say, was called _Gánúän_, "General" by the whites, and whom the Indians called _Pasót-kyä'tó_, "Old-man-of-the-thunder," because he wore upon his shoulders the eagle or thunderbird. This was General Winfield S. Hancock, then in command in that section. By his direction they camped on the river near the post, where they were supplied with rations for some days until the purpose of the government was explained to them. They then returned to Medicine-lodge creek and prepared a council house among the trees, ready for the arrival of the commissioners. The medicine lodge and Kiowa camp were on the south (west) side of the creek, while the council house in which the treaty was made was on the opposite (northeast) side, 12 miles above, or about 3 miles above the junction of Elm creek and near the present site of Medicine Lodge, Barber county, Kansas. It is described in the treaty itself as "the council camp on Medicine Lodge creek, 70 miles south of Fort Larned, in the State of Kansas." The low, timbered hill, from which the stream takes its Kiowa name of _Ä'yä'daldä P'a_, "Timber-hill river," is on the east side, opposite the medicine lodge of the last preceding dance, from which the stream derives its present name. It was a favorite dance headquarters, as several other dances had already been held in the same vicinity.

The Kiowa say that the white man, Philip McCusker, who interpreted the treaty to the three confederated tribes, spoke only Comanche, and his words were translated into Kiowa by Bä'o ("Cat"), alias Guñsádalte, "Having-horns," who is still living. They sum up the provisions of the treaty by saying that the commissioners promised to give them "a place to go," to give them schools, and to feed them for thirty years, and hoped that they would then know how to take care of themselves. Only a part of the Comanche were represented, most of the Kwáhadi band being then on an expedition against the Navaho. According to contemporary notices, there were present at the treaty over eight hundred and fifty tipis, or about five thousand souls, of the Cheyenne, Arapaho, Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache, together with about six hundred whites, including the commissioners and attachés, a large detachment of the Seventh infantry, and miscellaneous camp followers, the various groups and bands being scattered for a distance of several miles along the stream, forming probably the largest Indian gathering that had ever been held on the plains.

SUMMER 1868

_Íătä'go Dahótal-de K'ádó_, "Sun dance when the Ute killed us," or _Ä'yädaldä P'a K'ádó_, "Timber-hill river (Medicine-lodge creek) sun dance." The dance this summer was held on Medicine-lodge creek, near where the treaty had been made, this, as has been said, being a favorite place for the purpose. The Cheyenne and Arapaho also frequently held their sun dance in the same neighborhood, but not in connection with the Kiowa, although they always attended the Kiowa dance in large numbers. The Comanche had no sun dance of their own, but sometimes joined with the Kiowa. On one occasion they tried to get up such a dance, but the attempt was a failure.

This summer was signalized by a disastrous encounter with the Ute, in which two of the three _taímes_ of the Kiowa were captured. On the Set-t'an calendar this battle is indicated by the figure, above the medicine lodge, of a man holding out the red stone war-pipe, which was sent around as an invitation to the warriors to join the expedition. On the Anko calendar it is indicated by flying bullets about the medicine lodge.

This battle was the most disastrous in the history of the Kiowa tribe since the memorable massacre by the Osage in 1833. The impression made was perhaps even greater, for the reason that their sacred palladium captured on this occasion has never since been recovered.

[Illustration: FIG. 143--Summer 1868--Ute fight.]

In the previous winter Pá-tadal, "Lean-bull" (alias Poor-buffalo), who is still living, had led a small party against the Navaho beyond the head of the South Canadian. On reaching the salt beds on that river, near the line between Texas and New Mexico, they met some Navaho coming on foot to steal Kiowa horses. A fight ensued, resulting in the death of one Navaho and one Kiowa, the latter being Pá-tadal's stepson. The father thirsted for revenge, and at the next sun dance he sent around the pipe to all the warriors of the tribe to enlist them for a great expedition against the Navaho. A large number responded, perhaps two hundred, including some of the Comanche, and placed themselves under his leadership. Among these was Set-dayá-ite, "Many-bears," the son (nephew?) of Ansó'te, the medicine keeper. To render victory more certain and complete, he asked and obtained permission from his father to carry with the expedition the two smaller _taíme_ images, viz, the small "man" figure and the "bear kidney." These were sometimes carried to the field, but the larger one, the "woman," which the tribe still retains, was never allowed to leave the home camp. Set-dayá-ite carried one and intrusted the other to his friend Pá-guñhéñte, "Hornless-bull." According to another story, Pá-guñhéñte's medicine was one which belonged to himself and had no connection with the _taíme_, although it was a smaller image of similar appearance. However, Pá-guñhéñte was killed and his medicine captured, together with the other.

They set out for the Navaho country, but the omens were unpropitious from the start. Among the numerous things tabooed to the _taíme_ are bears, skunks, rabbits, and looking-glasses, none of which must be permitted to come near the sacred image or be touched by the taíme keeper. Almost at the start the warriors were alarmed by seeing a skunk cross their path, and soon afterward it was discovered that the Comanche had brought with them their looking-glasses, which they refused to break or throw away, but wrapped them up and concealed them at one of the camping places to await their return. Farther on, at a place where the warriors had halted for the night to prepare supper, the wind carried to the nostrils of the Kiowa the smell of burning grease. On investigating the cause they found that their sacrilegious allies had killed a bear and were broiling the flesh over their fire. Realizing that nothing but defeat could now be in store for them, many of the warriors turned back, but Set-dayá-ite, trusting to his medicine, persisted in going forward, while Pá-tadal, although he foresaw disaster, as the organizer and leader of the expedition felt bound in honor to proceed.

They went up the north bank of the South Canadian until they reached the salt beds in the vicinity of Red-river spring, near where they had encountered the Navaho the preceding winter. Here they met a much smaller party of Ute, said to have numbered only thirty or forty, and the battle at once began. For some reason, perhaps because the Kiowa felt that their gods had deserted them, they did not fight with their accustomed dash, and the battle soon became a flight, the Ute pursuing them for some miles down the river and killing seven, including Set-dayá-ite and his adopted son, a Mexican captive. Set-dayá-ite on this occasion rode a balky horse, which became unmanageable, so that he dismounted and met his fate on foot, telling his comrades that there was his place to die. His adopted son might have saved himself, but on seeing his father's plight he returned and was killed with him. Pá-guñhéñte, who carried the other medicine, was also among the slain.

Set-dayá-ite had the _taíme_ bag tied upon his back, where it was found by the Ute after the fight. They readily recognized it as some great "medicine," a conjecture which was made certain if it be true, as some say, that the dead man had cut (painted?) upon his body sacred emblems similar to those painted upon the image itself, viz, a crescent upon each breast, the sun in the center, and upon his forehead another crescent. Stumbling-bear, who was in the fight, as was also Anko, went back shortly afterward to bury his remains. He found a beaten circle around the skeleton of Set-dayá-ite, as though the Ute had danced around his dead body.

The Ute carried the _taíme_ with them to their own country, but misfortune went with it. The son of its capturer was shortly afterward killed in a fight with the Cheyenne, and soon after that the custodian himself was killed by a stroke of lightning. Afraid to keep longer such "bad medicine," they brought both images down to the trader Maxwell, in New Mexico, who placed them on a shelf in his store, where they remained in plain view for a long time, but were finally lost. The Ute left word with Maxwell that the Kiowa, if they came for the images, might have them, on payment of a specified number of ponies. For some reason the Kiowa did not come--perhaps because they were afraid to trust themselves so far in their enemies' country.

While the sacred images were on Maxwell's shelf they were seen by a brother of George Bent, of the noted pioneer trading family, from whom the author obtained a description of their appearance. They were two small carved stones or petrifactions, the _taíme_ proper having the shape of a man's head and bust, and was decorated and painted. The other resembled in form a bear's kidney. While in New Mexico some years ago the author made diligent inquiry among Maxwell's former business associates concerning the images, but found no one who could throw any light upon their whereabouts. In 1893 Big-bow and some others of the tribe visited the Ute, chiefly for the purpose of ascertaining the fate of the _taíme_, not knowing that it had passed out of their possession. They learned nothing, however, as they asked no direct questions concerning it and the Ute volunteered no information. This was the first friendly meeting between the two tribes, although as early as 1873 the Kiowa chiefs in council had made an urgent request to the agent that some good white man should be sent with them to make peace with the Ute (_Battey, 18_).

When the news of the defeat reached them, the Kiowa were encamped on the Arkansas, near Fort Larned, where at that time they drew their government issues. They at once moved down to the Washita and encamped adjoining the Cheyenne village under Black-kettle, on the western border of Oklahoma. This village was soon after destroyed by Custer. About this time steps were taken to confine the confederated tribes to the reservation assigned them by the late treaty, which was soon after accomplished, and as a people the Kiowa never again went back to the neighborhood of Arkansas river.

The only official reference to this fight, if indeed it does refer to it, is the incidental mention in a letter of about June 20 that an appointment by the agent for the Ute and Jicarilla Apache had been postponed in consequence of the absence of Kaneatche, who was away and had had a fight with the Kiowa and Comanche (_Report, 88_). Kaneatche, Kanache, or Conyatz (_Kanats_ according to Major Powell) was the head chief of the confederate Ute and Jicarilla band of Apache, and on his death was succeeded by Ouray.

The encounter is thus noted by a contemporary author:

During the previous summer [1868] a war party of Ute left their haunts in New Mexico, and after marching on foot a distance of over 500 miles fell upon a band of Kiowa, completely routed them, captured a number of ponies, took many scalps, and, more calamitous than all, got possession of the "medicine" of the band. As might be inferred, the Kiowa had a superstitious dread of the very name Ute (_Keim, 2_).

The action and the grief of the Kiowa over the loss of their medicine are further described by a writer in a contemporary Kansas newspaper, who evidently speaks with exact knowledge:

About the 10th of July [1868] the Kiowa had a battle with the Ute, in which the chief Heap-of-Bears and seven other Kiowa braves were killed. Heap-of-Bears had on his person the medicine of the Kiowa, which was captured by the Ute, who still retain it. This medicine consists of an image about 18 inches in length, carved to represent a human face, and covered with the down and feathers of the eagle and other birds and swathed in wrappers of different materials of value. Although I have been conversant with Indian habits and customs for a long time, I was surprised to find the value these people attach to this medicine. They begged and implored Colonel Murphy to recover it for them, and promised to pay the Ute as many horses as they wanted, and also to make a permanent and lasting peace, not only with the Ute, but also to refrain from further depredations on the Texas border, if this should be restored. Colonel Murphy promised to endeavor to recover it, but I think his success in the matter will be doubtful, as the Ute also attach great importance to their capture, believing that while they retain it the Kiowa will be powerless to do them harm (_Abbott, 1_).

[Illustration: FIG. 144--Winter 1868-69--Tän-gúădal killed.]

WTNTER 1868-69

_Tän-gúădal Ehótal-de Sai_, "Winter that Tän-gúădal was killed." _Tän_ is the name of a particular variety of headdress, also of an edible root resembling a turnip; _gúădal_ signifies red. Shortly after the removal to the Washita, a small raiding party went to Texas. In an encounter with a white man and boy both parties fired simultaneously and Tän-gúădal was killed. Although a young man, he was a noted warrior and the hereditary owner of a medicine lance or _zebat_, shaped and adorned like an arrow. The event is indicated on the Set-t'an calendar by the figure, above the winter mark, of a man holding the arrow lance. On the Anko calendar it is indicated by the rude figure of the medicine lance.

This medicine lance, which was hereditary in Tän-gúădal's family, came originally from the Crows. The one carried by him on this occasion, as described by Set-k`opte, who was with the party, had a Mexican-made steel blade and was left sticking upright in the ground at the place where they rested before the encounter, the owner not having taken it into the fight. Set-t'aiñte claimed the hereditary right to this medicine lance, through marriage into the family of one of Tän-gúădal's ancestors. Despite the protest of Tän-gúădal, he made a similar lance, which he carried for several years (see summer 1874). This lance of Set-t'aiñte is said to have had a separable ornamented wooden point, which was inserted on ceremonial occasions, while an ordinary steel blade was substituted when it was to be used in actual service. Similar "medicine" lances for ceremonial purposes were used also among other tribes.

While this expedition was in Texas another party, under Stumbling-bear, went up the Canadian to bury the bones of those killed with Set-dayá-ite in the encounter with the Ute.

SUMMER 1869

_Ä´tahá-i Gyä´`gan-de K`ádó_, "Sun dance when they brought the war-bonnet." On both calendars this sun dance is designated by the figure of a war-bonnet (_ä-tahá-i_, "feather crest") above the medicine lodge.

[Illustration: FIG. 145--Summer 1869--War-bonnet sun dance.]

The dance was held on the north side of the North fork of Red River, a short distance below the junction of Sweetwater creek, near the western line of Oklahoma, the Kiowa having been removed during the preceding autumn from Kansas and the north to their present reservation, but still ranging outside the boundaries, under the hunting privilege accorded by the late treaty. While the dance was in progress, Big-bow, who had gone with a large party against the Ute to avenge the death of Set-dayá-ite the year before, returned with the war-bonnet of a Ute whom he had killed in the mountains at the head of the Arkansas, in Colorado. By a curious chance this Ute was one whom the Cheyenne or Arapaho had wounded and scalped on a former expedition. The Ute had taken their wounded comrade to the Mexicans of New Mexico, who cured him, only to die soon afterward by the hand of a Kiowa. The facts in the case were learned by Big-bow on his friendly visit to the Ute in 1893.

WINTER 1869-70

_Dómbá Etpé-de Sai_, "Winter when they were frightened by the bugle." The circumstance is indicated on both calendars by means of a bugle in connection with the winter mark.

[Illustration: FIG. 146--Winter 1869-70--Bugle scare.]

This was a winter of chronic alarm, as the Cheyenne, the neighbors and friends of the Kiowa, were on the warpath and were being hard pressed by Custer. The Kiowa had made their winter settlement in two camps on Beaver creek, near the junction of Wolf creek, in the vicinity of the present Fort Supply, in Oklahoma. It was reported that soldiers were in the neighborhood, and a party of young men went out to look for them. On returning, about daylight, one of them, who carried a bugle, blew it to announce their approach, with the result that the whole camp, thinking that the troops were about to attack them, fled precipitately several miles before the truth was discovered.

According to another account, the bugle was blown by Set-t'aiñte, who for many years carried on ceremonial occasions a bugle which he had probably obtained from some army post. He had been on a visit to the Arkansas, and blew it on his return in order to locate the camp.

SUMMER 1870

_É`gú Gyäk`íädă-de K`ádó_, "Plant-growing sun dance," or _K`ádó Paíñyoñhä´-de_, "Dusty sun dance." The former is the more common designation. This sun dance, like the last, was held on the North fork of Red river, but on the south side, in what is now Greer county, Oklahoma, near where the reservation line strikes the stream. During the dance the traders brought corn and watermelons to sell to the Indians. The seeds were thrown away, and on returning to the spot in the fall the Kiowa found that they had germinated in the sandy soil and developed into full growth; hence the common name of the dance, indicated on the Set-t'an calendar by a stalk of green (blue) corn beside the medicine lodge. On the Anko calendar it is distinguished as the "Dusty sun dance," on account of the high winds which raised clouds of dust during the dance and which are rudely indicated by close black lines across the medicine pole. No other event is recorded, the dance serving merely as a chronologic point.

[Illustration: FIG. 147--Summer 1870--Plant-growing sun dance; dusty sun dance.]

WINTER 1870-71

_Set-ä´ngya Ä´ton Ágan-de Sai_, "Winter when they brought Set-ängya's bones."

For this winter the Set-t'an calendar records the bringing home of the bones of young Set-ängya, indicated by a skeleton above the winter mark, with a sitting bear over the head.

[Illustration: FIG. 148--Winter 1870-71--Set-ängya's bones brought home; drunken fight; negroes killed.]

In the spring of 1870, before the last sun dance, the son of the noted chief Set-ängya ("Sitting-bear"), the young man having the same name as his father, had made a raid with a few followers into Texas, where, while making an attack upon a house, he had been shot and killed. After the dance his father with some friends went to Texas, found his bones and wrapped them in several fine blankets, put the bundle upon the back of a led horse and brought them home. On the return journey he killed and scalped a white man, which revenge served in some measure to assuage his grief. On reaching home he erected a tipi with a raised platform inside, upon which, as upon a bed, he placed the bundle containing his son's bones. He then made a feast within the funeral tipi, to which he invited all his friends in the name of his son, telling them, "My son calls you to eat." From that time he always spoke of his son as sleeping, not as dead, and frequently put food and water near the platform for his refreshment on awaking. While on a march the remains were always put upon the saddle of a led horse, as when first brought home, the tipi and the horse thus burdened being a matter of personal knowledge to all the middle-age people of the tribe now living. He continued to care for his son's bones in this manner until he himself was killed at Fort Sill about a year later, when the Kiowa buried them. Although a young man, Set-ängya's son held the office of _Toñhyópdă´_, the pipe-bearer or leader who went in front of the young warriors on a war expedition.

The Anko calendar records two incidents. The first was a drunken fight between two Kiowa, in which one killed the other, indicated by the rude representation of two heads with a bottle between them. The other event was the killing of four or five negroes in Texas by a party led by Mamä´nte ("Walking-above)," who brought back the scalps with the woolly-hair attached. It is shown on the calendar by means of a figure with bullet and arrow wounds, drawn below the heads and the bottle. An attempt has been made to indicate the peculiar woolly hair of the negro; the trousers are blue, like those worn by soldiers, Anko thinking they were probably soldiers, because, as he says, "Negroes can't go alone."

[Illustration: FIG. 149--Summer 1871--Set-t'aiñte arrested; Koñpä´te killed.]

In this winter Ansó-gíăni or Anso`te, "Long-foot," the great medicine keeper, died of extreme old age. He had been in charge of the _taíme_ for forty years; consequently there was no sun dance for two years until his successor was selected.

SUMMER 1871

For this summer the Anko calendar records the death of Koñpä´te, "Blackens-himself," who was shot through the head in a skirmish with soldiers. He was the brother of the noted raider, White-horse. The event is indicated by the rude representation of a head struck by a bullet. As there was no dance this summer, the medicine lodge is not represented on either calendar.

The great event of the summer was the arrest of the noted chiefs and raiders, Set-t'aiñte, Set-äñgya and Ä´do-eétte, "Big-tree." The figure on the Set-t'an calendar shows the soldier arresting Set-t'aiñte, distinguished by the red war-paint which he always used.

Notwithstanding the promises of good conduct which had induced General Sheridan to release Lone-wolf and Set-t'aiñte when the tribe had been brought to the reservation in December, 1868, the Kiowa had never ceased their raids into Texas, and had constantly behaved in the most insolent manner toward the agent and military commander on the reservation. On May 17, 1871, a party of about one hundred warriors, led by Set-t'aiñte and Set-ängya, attacked a wagon train in Texas, killed 7 men and captured 41 mules. Shortly afterward Set-t'aiñte had the boldness to avow the deed to the agent, Lawrie Tatum, who at once called upon the commander at Fort Sill to arrest Set-t´aiñte and several other chiefs who had accompanied him, viz: Set-ängya, Big-tree, Big-bow, Eagle-Heart and Fast-bear. The officer promptly responded and arrested the first three; Eagle-heart escaped and the other two were absent at the time. On May 28, the three prisoners were sent under military guard to Fort Richardson (Jacksboro), Texas, to be tried for their crimes, when Set-ängya attacked the guard and was killed in the wagon (_Report, 89_; _Record, 11_; _Battey, 19_; _Tatum letter_). The fate of the other prisoners is noted elsewhere.

According to the Kiowa account, which is correct in the main incidents, the prisoners having been disarmed, Set-ängya was placed in a wagon, accompanied by a single soldier, and Set-t'aiñte and Big-tree were put into another wagon with other guards, and an escort of cavalry and Tonkawa scouts rode on either side. Leaving Fort Sill, they started toward the south on the road to Texas, when Set-ängya began a loud harangue to the two prisoners in the other wagon, telling them that he was a chief and a warrior, too old to be treated like a little child. Then pointing to a tree where the road descends to cross a small stream about a mile south of the post, he said: "I shall never go beyond that tree." As he spoke in the Kiowa language, none but the prisoners knew what he was saying. Then raising his voice, he sang his death song, the song of the Kâitséñko, of whom he was chief:

I´ha hyo´ o´ya i´ya´ i´ya' o i´ha ya´ya yo´yo´ A´he´ya ahe´ya´ ya´he´yo´ ya e´ya he´yo e´he´yo Kâ´itseñ´ko änä´obahe´ma haa´-ipai´-degi o´ba´-ikă´ Kâi´tse´ñko änä´obahe´ma hadâ´mga´gi o´ba´-ikă´ _I hahyo, etc._ _Aheya, etc._ O sun, you remain forever, but we Kâitse´ñko must die. O earth, you remain forever, but we Kâitse´ñko must die.

The song ended, he suddenly sprang upon the guard with a knife which he had managed to conceal about his person, and had cut him seriously when the soldiers following behind fired and he fell dead in the wagon. He was buried in the military cemetery at Fort Sill, but there is nothing to distinguish the grave. The Kiowa statement of his singing his death song is corroborated by Battey and by agent Tatum.

Although a noted warrior and a chief of the Kâitséñko, Set-ängya was generally feared and disliked by the tribe on account of his vindictive disposition and his supposed powers of magic. It was believed that he could kill an enemy by occult means, and that he had in this manner actually disposed of one or two who had incurred his displeasure. The knife with which he attacked the soldier is reputed to have been a "medicine knife," which he could swallow and disgorge as demanded by the necessity of concealment or use; several stories are told by the Indians to confirm this belief. His paternal grandmother was a woman of the Sarsi (_Pákiägo_, a small tribe incorporated with the Blackfeet,) who had married a Kiowa when the latter tribe lived in the far north. Unlike Indians generally, he habitually wore a mustache and straggling beard. He left two children; the elder, a son, was adopted into a white family under the name of Joshua Given, was educated in the east, married a white lady, afterward returned as a missionary to his people, and died of consumption about four years ago. The younger child, Julia Given, was until recently employed in one of the mission schools on the reservation.

[Illustration: FIG. 150--Set-t'aiñte in prison (from _Scribner's Monthly_, February, 1874)]

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXVIII

PHOTO BY SOULE (1) 1872

LAWRIE TATUM, FIRST KIOWA AGENT, WITH GROUP OF RESCUED CAPTIVES]

Bearing on the subject of the arrest of the three chiefs and the death of Set-ängya, we quote at length from a letter written by Lawrie Tatum, the first agent for the Kiowa and associated tribes, from whom the author has obtained much valuable information in response to letters of inquiry. Mr Tatum, who is now (1896) living in Springdale, Iowa, at the advanced age of 75 years, is a member of the Society of Friends, and was appointed, on their recommendation, in accordance with the "Indian peace policy" of President Grant, soon after the tribes were brought upon the reservation. He took charge, as he states, July 1, 1869, and resigned March 31, 1873, in consequence of the release of Set-t'aiñte and Big-tree, a measure which he opposed, as it was on his motion that these men were originally arrested. During his incumbency he rescued a number of white captives without ransom--a thing before unexampled. On this point he states, in a letter of March 31, 1896:

I recovered fourteen white captives from the Indians, two of whom had forgotten their names and every word of English. I advertised for their parents and found them. I also recovered twelve Mexicans. I was the first agent, I think, that those Indians had, who obtained captives of them without paying a ransom. A part of them were procured by withholding rations from the band that had them, and a part were obtained by means of the leverage that Colonel Mackenzie gave by taking a hundred women and children from a raiding camp to Texas.

His stringent measures at times brought him into disfavor with his co-religionists, but had great influence in bringing these unruly tribes under effectual control. He writes, under date of April 7, 1896:

General Sherman called at my office, Kiowa and Comanche agency, Indian Territory, fifth month, 23, 1871, to see if I knew of any Indians having gone to Texas lately. He said that a party of Indians, supposed to number about one hundred and fifty, had attacked a train of ten wagons about 17 miles from Fort Richardson and killed the trainmaster and six teamsters. Five others escaped. Being at the fort at the time, he gave orders for the available troops to follow them with thirty days' rations and report at Fort Sill.

I told the general that I could not then tell what Indians they were, but thought that I could ascertain in a few days. Four days later the Indians came after their rations. Before issuing I asked the chiefs to come into the office, and told them of the tragedy in Texas, and wished to know if they could tell by what Indians it had been committed. Satanta immediately arose and said:

"Yes; I led in that raid. I have been told that you have stolen a large amount of our annuity goods and given them to the Texans. I have repeatedly asked for arms and ammunition, which have not been furnished, and made other requests which have not been granted. You do not listen to my talk. The white people are preparing to build a railroad through our country, which will not be permitted. Some years ago they took us by the hair and pulled us here close to Texas, where we have to fight them. When General Custer was here some years ago he arrested me and kept me in confinement several days, but that is played out now. There are never to be any more Kiowa Indians arrested. I want you to remember that.

"On account of these grievances a short time ago I took about one hundred of my warriors, whom I wished to teach how to fight, to Texas, with the chiefs Satank [_Set-ängya_], Eagle-heart, Big-tree, Big-bow, and Fast-bear. We found a mule train, which we captured, and killed seven of the men. Three of our men got killed, but we are willing to call it even. It is all over now, and not necessary to say much more about it. We don't expect to do any raiding around here this summer. If any other Indian claims the honor of leading that party he will be lying to you, for I led it myself."

Satank, Eagle-heart, and Big-tree were present, and assented to the correctness of the statement made by Satanta. That they were guilty of murder in the first degree I had not the shadow of a doubt, and thought that forbearance in the case had ceased to be a virtue and would become a crime. I told the men to go to issuing and I would go to the fort (Sill). I went to Colonel Grierson's quarters and requested him to arrest Satanta, Satank, Eagle-heart, Big-tree, Big-bow, and Fast-bear on the charge of murder. Scarcely had the order been given when, to the surprise of all of of us, Satanta took the post interpreter into Colonel Grierson's quarters. He had heard that there was a big Washington chief there (General Sherman), and he probably wished to measure up with him and see how they compared. When I started to the agency he said he would go with me, but some soldiers stepped in front of him with their revolvers and ordered him back, and he quietly obeyed. The colonel sent for Satank and Eagle-heart to go to his quarters. Satank went and was arrested. Eagle-heart got nearly there and saw Big-tree being arrested, and he turned and fled. Kicking-bird pled eloquently for the release of the three prisoners, although he entirely disapproved of their raiding.

A day or two after the arrest, Colonel Mackenzie, in command of the troops from Fort Richardson, arrived at Fort Sill and reported that the heavy and continued rains had obliterated the tracks of the raiding Indians so that they could not be followed. After remaining a few days, the colonel with his troops took charge of the prisoners to convey them to Texas for trial. Satank was so refractory that he was put into a wagon with two soldiers, and Satanta and Big-tree were put into another wagon. George Washington, a Caddo Indian, rode alongside of the wagons as they left Fort Sill. Satank called to him and said: "I wish to send a little message by you to my people. Tell them that I am dead. I died the first day out, and my bones will be lying on the side of the road. I wish my people to gather them up and take them home." Satanta also sent a message, saying: "Tell my people to take the forty-one mules that we stole from Texas to the agent, as he and Colonel Grierson require. Don't commit any depredations around Fort Sill or in Texas."

When about a mile from the post Satank sang his death song, and with his back to the guard drew the shackles off his hands by taking some of the skin with them. Then with a butcher knife which he had secreted, he started for the guard in the front part of the wagon, cutting one of the soldiers slightly in the leg. They both jumped out, leaving their guns. Satank picked up one of them and commenced loading it, wanting to kill one more man. Before he got it loaded he received several shots, and in twenty minutes died in much agony, gritting his teeth. Colonel Grierson had him buried at Fort Sill. He gave the Indians permission to take him up and convey him to their camp for interment, which they declined to do.

Mr Leeper, my interpreter, who has since been a practicing physician in Chicago, and Horace P. Jones, the post interpreter, attended the trial of Satanta and Big-tree at Jacksboro. The jury brought in a verdict of murder in the first degree, and sentenced them to be hung on the 1st of the following September. I had requested that they be not executed, and gave my reasons for thinking that such a course would have a better effect upon the Indians of the reservation. The judge wrote me that he approved of my request and would ask the governor to commute the sentence to life imprisonment, which was done. The Kiowas delivered to me the stolen mules, as Satanta requested.

Although Set-ängya was a bad Indian and deserved punishment, it is impossible not to admire the grim courage of the old man, as, true to his warrior oath to despise death, though laden with chains and surrounded by armed troops, he boldly sang his death song, and then, wrenching the manacles from his bleeding wrists, drove the guards from the wagon, picked up their abandoned guns, and coolly prepared to kill one more enemy of his race before he fell, shot to death.

WINTER 1871-72 (1872-73)

A part of the Kiowa camped during this winter on _Ä´-gíăni P'a_, "Long-tree creek," a branch of Elk creek of upper Red river. The name is indicated on the Anko calendar by the figure of a tree below the winter mark. The remainder of the tribe camped on the Washita, near Rainy mountain. During this winter the Kiowa were visited by a large party of Pawnee, who came to make peace. They came on foot and remained a long time, returning with many horses given them by their hosts. On the Set-t'an calendar the event is indicated by a representation of three characteristic Pawnee heads above the winter mark.

This was the first friendly meeting within the memory of the two tribes. The Pawnee first came to the Wichita, their near relatives, and then announced their intention to visit the Kiowa to make a treaty of peace. The Kiowa debated the matter for some time, but finally agreed, and after the visit dismissed their guests with many presents of horses. The older men describe the identical horses which were given. In the fall of 1873 another large party of the Pawnee visited the Wichita and remained some time. On their return home they gave such an account of their experience that the entire tribe decided to remove to the south from Nebraska, where they were constantly harassed by the Dakota. The matter was brought to the attention of the government and a new reservation was selected for them in Indian Territory (Oklahoma), to which they removed in the spring of 1875 (_Report, 90_).

[Illustration: FIG. 151--Winter 1871-72 (1872-73)--Pawnee visit; camp on Long-tree creek.]

From the concurrent notices by Battey, Grinnell, and the Indian Commissioner, together with the statements of a number of Indians, it is plain that in this instance the author of the calendar has made an error in the date, which should be the winter of 1872-73. As the Indians tell it, the Pawnee came late in the fall, after the Kiowa had left _Ä´gíăni P'a_. The explanation may be in a confusion between the visit of the Pawnee and that of the Pueblos (see winter 1872-73).

In regard to this Pawnee visit, which led to the removal of the tribe to Indian Territory, Grinnell says that in the summer of 1870 Lone-chief led a large party of the Pawnee southward to visit the Wichita. Again in the winter of 1871-72, the same chief, with a party, started on another visit to the Wichita, but for some reason turned back. The next winter (1872-73) in consequence of renewed inroads of the Dakota, the Pawnee were thrown into an unsettled condition and the question of removal to a safer situation began to be seriously discussed. It was finally decided to send a small party under Lone-chief and one or two others to the southern tribes to learn how these would look upon a general Pawnee migration into Indian Territory. The delegates visited the Oto, Kansa, Wichita, Comanche, Kiowa, and Apache, and were everywhere received in a friendly manner. The Pawnee then invited the chiefs of the various tribes to meet them at the Wichita camp, where the Pawnee speaker broached the proposition, stating that his people wished to be at peace and had made up their minds to come and live with their friends in the south.

They received a cordial invitation from all the chiefs of the different tribes, who said that they had good land and plenty of buffalo for them, and the result was that in 1873 the first party moved south and was followed by others, until in 1875 the whole tribe had removed from Nebraska to the Indian Territory (_Grinnell, Pawnee, 1_).

Grinnell is not entirely consistent with himself, but in another place says that the first expedition under Lone-chief took place "the following summer in August" of 1869 or 1870, and that it was on that occasion that the Pawnee visited and made peace with the Kiowa, and afterward visited the Comanche (_Grinnell, Pawnee, 2_).

The Quaker teacher, Battey, was with Kicking-bird in the Kiowa camp on Cache creek on the arrival of the Pawnee dancers, numbering forty-five, in March, 1873. He gives an extended account of their reception and performance:

A party of Pawnees came in last evening, giving notice of their arrival by their headman and two or three others coming into camp, while the main body remained 2 or 3 miles distant. This morning a public reception was given them.

The party was seen coming over a ridge in single file, bearing a white flag. Approaching to within 20 rods, they planted their flag, upon which was painted the single letter P, and sat down in a line on each side of it, facing the village. After sitting in this manner for perhaps half an hour, during which they maintained entire silence, and preliminary arrangements for their reception were made in the camp, the chiefs, followed by most of the headmen, and these by the young men, women, and children, went forth to welcome them. Upon drawing near to them, the Kiowa chiefs walking with a slow step and dignified mien, some of the old women set up a chant in a shrill voice, whereupon the head chief of the Pawnees and two or three others, perhaps the nearest in rank, arose, and with a quick, firm step approached the Kiowa chiefs, and after embracing them retired to their former position.

Others of the Pawnees came forward, a few at a time, until all had embraced and been embraced by the Kiowa chiefs and headmen. The women, remaining some distance behind, renewed their shrill chant from time to time. Some of the Pawnees occasionally placed a shawl or embroidered blanket upon the shoulders of a Kiowa, while several of the old men passed along in front of the whole line of the visitors, shaking hands with them. After this the Pawnees set up a weird song, during the continuance of which Kiowa fathers, each carrying a small child in his arms, bearing a piece of stick in its little hands, young girls, and occasionally a woman, would approach the Pawnees, and selecting someone, would present themselves before him, holding out the stick. Thereupon he would arise, place his hands upon the donor's head in a solemn, reverential manner, as if blessing, pass them down the sides, following the arms, take the stick, and sit down. Each stick thus given was a pledge from the giver to the receiver for a pony, to be given when the visitors are ready to return to their country. Old men, from time to time addressing the Kiowas, urged them to liberality, to show the largeness of their hearts and the warmth of their friendship by giving ponies to these poor Pawnees, who had come so far to see them and renew their friendship, and not allow them to return on foot, as they came. I know not how many ponies were thus pledged to them, but there must have been many.

At the conclusion of the ceremony the Pawnees arose in a body, ceased their song, took up their flag, and a part following one Kiowa chief and a part another, accompanied them to their lodges to partake of their hospitality. The head chief, with four or five others, including the flag bearer, accompanied Kicking-bird to his lodge, thus becoming his guest.

In the afternoon the visitors gave a Pawnee war dance, of which Battey wisely remarks:

I shall not render myself ridiculous by attempting to describe that which is indescribable.... Individuals occupied the intervals between the dances by narrating their own former valorous exploits, not even omitting that their victims were in some instances Kiowas, concluding by throwing their war implements upon the ground with such force, in case of tomahawk or hatchet, as to cause the metal to ring. Then, with gesture of covering it up, they would go away, leaving it to lie there; thus intimating that, though they had been foolish and fought, they now rejoiced in the beams of peace and hoped that the red men everywhere might live in peace one with another; all of which was received by the Kiowas with the loud response of "How! how! Yes! yes!" (_Battey, 20_).

SUMMER 1872

This summer there was no sun dance, and in consequence the medicine lodge does not appear on either calendar.

[Illustration: FIG. 152--Summer 1872--Viejo shot.]

For this summer the Anko calendar has two connected human figures, together with what he explains as a "mule's head" above the medicine pole. Between the forks of the pole is another human head, where he commenced to draw the first figure, but found that he had no room. The joined human figures refer to a drunken fight between Sun-boy and T'ené-zépte, "Bird-bow" (?), growing out of some whisky smuggled in by Mexicans, in which Sun-boy shot his antagonist with an arrow. The mule's head indicates a raid into Kansas, in which the Kiowa captured a large number of mules. This may have been the same raid in which Bíako was shot.

The Set-t'an calendar has a picture of a man wounded in the chest, with a tree above his head to show that the event occurred in summer. This has reference to a skirmish with the whites in which a Mexican captive named Bíako (Viejo) was shot, but afterward recovered. He was one of those selected for confinement in Florida a few years later, and is still living and with the tribe. The fight took place in the course of a raid into Kansas by a small party of Kiowa under T'ené-'taide, "Bird-chief," which was undertaken against the protests of the other chiefs, who desired to be at peace with the Americans. Near Medicine-lodge creek, not far from the Kansas line, they were joined by some of the Osage, and soon afterward met a party of white men in wagons, whom they thought were surveyors; a skirmish ensued, resulting in the wounding of the captive and one of the Osage.

WINTER 1872-73

_Téguăgo Tsän-de Sai_, "Winter that the Pueblos came." In this winter, while most of the Kiowa were encamped on the Washita near Rainy mountain, a party of Pueblo Indians and Mexicans visited them to trade _biscocho_, or Pueblo bread, and eagle feathers for horses and buffalo robes. The Kiowa were very fond of this bread and willingly gave a pony for a small bag of it. The figure on the Set-t'an calendar represents a Pueblo Indian, with his hair tied in a bunch behind, driving before him a burro (donkey) with a pack upon his back. The Kiowa say that the Pawnee visited them late in the fall, while the Pueblo party came in the winter, stopping south of Stumbling-bear's present camp. From an early period the Pueblo Indians of the Rio Grande had carried on a trade with the southern plains tribes, with which they appear to have been always on friendly terms. This was the next to their final visit.

[Illustration: FIG. 153--Winter 1872--1873--Pueblo visit; battle tipi burned.]

The Anko calendar records the accidental burning of a noted heraldic tipi, hereditary in the family of the great Dohásän. It was known as the _Dó-gíägyä gúăt_, "Tipi with battle pictures," being ornamented with battle pictures on the northern side and horizontal stripes of black and yellow alternating on the southern side; it occupied the second place from the entrance in the camp circle on ceremonial occasions. A small facsimile model has been deposited by the author in the National Museum. Plate LXXIX shows the appearance of the buckskin model when open and spread out.

The Kiowa, like the plains tribes generally, had an elaborate system of heraldry, exemplified in the painting and decoration of their shields and tipis. Every prominent family had its heraldic tipi, which had its appointed place in the great camp circle of the tribe and descended by inheritance from generation to generation. The system may form the subject of a future study by the author.

SUMMER 1873

_Iyúgúa P'a K`ádó_, "Maggot-creek sun dance," so called because held on that stream, known to the whites as Sweetwater creek, a tributary of the North fork of Red river, near the western line of the reservation, just within the Texas panhandle. The dance was made by Dóhéñte, "No-moccasins," the successor of Anso te; it occurred in June and was attended by Battey, who describes it in detail in his book. There were present most of the Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache, with a large part of the Cheyenne and Arapaho, who discussed the question of starting another war in consequence of the continued imprisonment of Set-t'aiñte and Big-tree. Although Battey himself had come to bring them the news of the further detention of these chiefs on account of the Modok war, he was able, with the help of Kicking-bird, to dissuade the Indians from their hostile intent.

[Illustration: FIG. 154--Summer 1873--Pa-kóñkya's horses killed.]

While the dance was in progress Pa-kóñkya ("Black-buffalo") "stole" the wife of Guibadái, "Appearing-wolf," in retaliation for which the injured husband killed seven of Pa-kóñkya's horses and took a number of others, in accordance with the tribal custom; he threatened also to kill the seducer, so that the _Toñkóñko_ Dog-soldiers had to interfere. The killing of the horses or the seizure of the property of the offender by the injured husband is the regular tribal punishment for such offenses, but in extreme cases, as in this instance, the Dog-soldiers interfere. The same event is recorded on both calendars, the Set-t'an picture being sufficiently suggestive, while the Anko calendar has above the medicine pole the figure of a horse's head struck by a bullet, with another head below it to represent the woman.

WINTER 1873-74

[Illustration: FIG. 155--Winter 1873-74--Set-t'aiñte returns; Lone-wolf's son killed.]

_Set-t'aiñte Tsän-de Sai_, "Winter of Set-t'aiñte's return." The notable event of this season was the return of Set-t'aiñte from prison October 8, 1873. The figure above the winter mark on the Set-t'an calendar shows Set-t'aiñte, distinguished by his red headdress, coming into his tipi, which was conspicuous by being painted entirely red, with red streamers at the ends of the poles. The red marks above the tipi are intended to represent his return footprints. The event is noted at length in another place.

The Anko calendar commemorates the killing in Mexico of two "sons" (i. e., a son and a nephew) of Lone-wolf, rudely indicated below the winter mark by a human figure wearing a _k`ódalpä_ or shell breastplate, with several flying bullets at the side.

Battey, who was in the Kiowa camp when the news arrived, has this entry in his diary under date of January 13, 1874:

This is a day of wailing in our camp. News arrived this morning of the death of two Kiowa braves, the one a son of Lone-wolf, the other of Red-otter [_Ápeñ-gúădal_] Lone-wolf's brother. They were killed while on a raid in Mexico. Lone-wolf's son was wounded in the knee a year ago last summer while raiding in Texas, and came near losing his life. This, it seems, did not satisfy his thirst for blood, and the Kiowa determining to raid no more in Texas, he, the past autumn, went into Mexico, where it appears he has been killed. The camp resounded with the death wail, the song of mourning for the unreturning braves mingled with the war whoop. This was revived at stated intervals for several days (_Battey, 21_).

According to information given by the Indians to Battey, Lone-wolf's son, with a few other young Kiowa warriors, had accompanied a raiding party of Comanche into Mexico. On their return they were attacked at a night camp by Mexican troops and the two Kiowa were killed. The remaining Kiowa at once returned home with the news, but the Comanche crossed the Rio Grande into Texas and began a series of raids on Nueces river, when they were attacked by soldiers and several killed. The rest started for home, but meeting another party of Comanche, they turned back with them and were again attacked by the troops, losing, in both encounters, twenty-two killed. A desire to avenge these losses had much to do with the ferment among them which led to the outbreak in the following summer; they also tried to make it appear that the Kiowa had been raiding in Texas when killed, in order to involve that tribe with themselves, although it seems beyond question that the Kiowa were killed in Mexico and had not been engaged in the Texas raids.

Lone-wolf went to Mexico to bury the body of his son, the sun dance having been postponed in the meantime, and it is said that on finding it he knelt down beside it and vowed to avenge his death with the life of a white man. A lot of government horses were soon afterward stolen from Fort Concho (or Clark?), in Texas, and it was charged that this was done by Lone-wolf and his party on their return, although they denied it. The killing of his son was the chief reason assigned by Lone-wolf for his part in the outbreak which followed (_Battey, 22_; _Report, 91_).

[Illustration: FIG. 156--Summer 1874--The medicine lance; Bluff-end sun dance.]

SUMMER 1874

_Tsó`kakánă-de K`ádó_, "Sun dance at the end of the bluff." The dance was held at a place called _Tsó`kakán_, "end of the bluff," on the south side of the North fork of Red river, above the junction of Elm fork, at a mountain called by the Kiowa the "Last mountain," in Greer county, Oklahoma. On the Anko calendar the bluff is indicated by a projection from one side of the medicine pole.

At this dance Set-t'aiñte, in thanksgiving for his release from prison, gave his famous _zébat_, or medicine arrow-lance, to Ä´`to-t'aiñ, "White-cowbird," brother of the chief Sun-boy, thus resigning his own chieftainship in favor Ä´`to-t'aiñ. There were only two lances of this kind in the tribe, both being regarded as medicine lances, the other belonging to Tän-gúădal (see winter 1868-69).

WINTER 1874-75

_Gí-edal Ehótal-de Sai_, "Winter that Big-meat was killed." The southern plains tribes, including a large part of the Kiowa, went out together on the warpath. After the fight at the Wichita agency, at Anadarko, in August, 1874, as previously detailed, the Comanche warriors who were implicated fled to the Staked plain, and the Kiowa to the head of Red river, with the troops in pursuit. While there a small party of the Kiowa went on a horse-stealing raid into New Mexico, resulting in an encounter, in which they killed two men, captured a woman, and ran off several horses. On their return they stopped to rest in the mountains, and were stretched at ease telling stories when they were suddenly attacked by the soldiers. Gi-edal was mortally wounded at the first fire, but propped himself against a rock and succeeded in killing one soldier and wounding another before he died. Another Kiowa was killed also, but the troops were finally repulsed. The Set-t'an calendar shows Gi-edal, who is distinguished by buffalo horns on his war-bonnet, wounded, with the blood gushing from his mouth.

At the close of the outbreak, a number of warriors were selected and sent to confinement at Fort Marion, Florida. The figure on the Anko calendar is intended to represent Fort Sill, with the imprisoned Kiowa warriors confined before being sent to Florida.

[Illustration: FIG. 157--Winter 1874-75--Gi-edal killed; Kiowa imprisoned.]

[Illustration: FIG. 158--Summer 1875--Love-making spring sun dance.]

SUMMER 1875

_K`ioñ-Toñ K`ádó_, "Love-making spring sun dance." It was held at a spring in a bend on the north (reservation) bank of North fork of Red river, a few miles from _K`ób-akán_, "Last mountain" (Mount Walsh, in Greer county). As conditions were yet unsettled on account of the outbreak, the Kiowa were escorted on this occasion by a body of troops.

The spring takes its name from the fact that on one occasion, while the Kiowa were encamped there, some young men "stole" two girls who had gone to the spring for water. On the Anko calendar the place is identified by a figure of a woman above the medicine pole.

WINTER 1875-76

In this instance the same event is recorded on both calendars by means of the figure of a ram or goat in connection with the winter mark.

[Illustration: FIG. 159--Winter 1875-76--Sheep and goats issued.]

In the various engagements during the last campaign and at the final surrender, several thousand ponies and mules had been taken from the Indians. These were sold under direction of Colonel Mackenzie, who determined to invest the proceeds in sheep and cattle for the benefit of the Indians, with the idea of changing their habits from hunting to pastoral. A detachment of troops, accompanied by several Kiowa and Comanche, was sent to New Mexico, where they purchased thirty-five hundred sheep and goats, with which they returned in November, 1875, the flock being driven by Mexican herders. Many died on the journey, and the remainder arrived in poor condition, but recuperated in the spring, when they were distributed to those Indians deemed most deserving. Stumbling-bear received one hundred, and others smaller flocks. Six hundred cattle were also purchased from the same fund and distributed in the same manner (_Report, 92_).

Just previous to the outbreak the Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache, with the few of the Delaware tribe living among them, were officially reported to have over sixteen thousand horses and mules. At the close of the troubles they had only six thousand remaining, having lost ten thousand within a little more than a year. They had also a small number of cattle before the outbreak, but no sheep (_Report, 93_).

This was the first general attempt by the Kiowa to raise stock (except horses). Although at the start the experiment promised well, the herds were soon reduced by neglect, killing for food, etc., and in a few years the last animal was gone. It is said that some of the sheep escaped to the Wichita mountains, where for several years they roamed wild.

SUMMER 1876

[Illustration: FIG. 160--Summer 1876--Horse-stealing sun dance.]

_Iyúgúa P'a Pähä´dal K'ádó_, Sun dance at the fork of Maggot (Sweetwater) creek, or _Paí-tälyí-de Tseñko Edásémk`opa-de K`ádó_, "Sun dance when Sun-boy's horses were stolen." This dance was held at the junction of Sweetwater creek and the North fork of Red river, on the western line of the reservation. While it was in progress some Mexicans stole all of Sun-boy's horses. After the dance the Kiowa pursued the thieves, but their horses gave oat, and they failed to recover the stolen animals. On both calendars the event is indicated by means of figures representing horse tracks near the medicine lodge.

Dó-héñte, "No-moccasins" ("Tohaint" of Battey) had died in the preceding fall and had been succeeded as _taíme_ priest by Set-dayá-iti, "Many-bears," who made this dance. He was the uncle of Set-dayiá-iti, who was killed by the Ute, and the cousin ("brother") of Taímete, who afterward had charge of the _taíme_.

WINTER 1876-77

This winter is distinguished on the Set-t'an calendar by the killing of the woman A`gábaí, "On-top-of-the-hill," by her husband Íăpa, "Baby," in the Kiowa camp, which at that time was a short distance below Fort Sill. The figure shows the woman above the winter mark, with a character intended for a cliff beside a river (the wavy line) to indicate her name. Although the killing occurred in summer, it was some time after the sun dance, and hence is marked as happening in winter. The woman was sick and promised Íăpa, who was considered a doctor and was then unmarried, that if he would make her well she would marry him; he succeeded in curing her and she married him, but soon after left him, and for this he stabbed her.

[Illustration: FIG. 161--Winter 1876--1877--A'gábaí killed; scouts enlisted.]

The incident is thus noted by Agent Haworth in his official report:

A young man in a mad fit killed his wife. On hearing of it, I called a council of Kiowa chiefs and asked them to take some action about it. I explained to them the penalties the white man's law inflicted for such terrible crimes. After a short consultation they decided they would do with him whatever I said--kill him, if I said so. They said, however, that he was young and foolish and did not know the white man's laws or road, but they would arrest him as soon as he could be found and bring him to me, and I could do with him as I desired. Two of their number, Dangerous-eagle and Big-tree, about nine oclock the same evening brought him to my house, having made the arrest themselves. I sent them on with him to the guard-house, where he was confined for several months, most of the time with ball and chain, working around the garrison in full view of his people. After his arrest they made the request that, in consideration of his ignorance of the white man's laws, his life be spared. I told them he would not be hurt, but the arrest was made without any promises of mercy being exacted or made, no soldiers being required, and done simply on my suggestion or request (_Report, 94_).

Anko's calendar commemorates the fact that he, with about twenty other Kiowa braves, enlisted as scouts this year at Fort Sill, remaining in the service two or three years. The figure below the winter mark shows a man holding a gun and wearing a peculiar variety of hat then used by the scouts. The first Kiowa scouts were enlisted at the time of the surrender in 1875.

[Illustration: FIG. 162--Summer 1877--Measles sun dance.]

SUMMER 1877

_Dä´-mä´tánä´ P'a K`ádó_, "Star-girl-tree river sun dance," or _Á`gat-hódal K`ádó_, "Measles sun dance." This dance took place within the present Greer county, Oklahoma, on Salt fork of Red river, called by the Kiowa the "Star-girl-tree river," from a noted tree which originated from a sapling used in a medicine sacrifice to the "Star girls" or Pleiades. On this occasion the troops accompanied the Kiowa on their buffalo hunt and afterward escorted them to the place selected for the dance.

This summer is noted for an epidemic of measles, which is said to have killed more children in the tribe than the measles epidemic of 1892. It is represented on both calendars by a human figure covered with red spots, above the medicine lodge. Strangely enough there is no notice of this epidemic in the report of the agent for this year, which may perhaps be accounted for by the fact that he was himself prostrated by sickness which occasioned his retirement in the following spring. From the report of the agent for the Cheyenne and Arapaho, however, we learn that the epidemic broke out among the latter tribes in April, and in spite of the best efforts of the physician, killed two hundred and nineteen children, so that almost every family was in mourning. In happy contrast to the more recent experience of the Kiowa, the government school was temporarily turned into a hospital, with the teachers for nurses, so that although seventy-four children were sick at the same time, not one died (_Report, 95_).

WINTER 1877-78

_K`op-taíde-do-tsédal-de Sai_, "Signal-mountain winter." During this winter a part of the tribe camped near Mount Scott, while the remainder camped west of Fort Sill, at the foot of Signal mountain, called by the Kiowa "the mountain with a house built upon it," referring to a stone lookout station built during the last Indian outbreak. The figure on the Set-t´an calendar is sufficiently suggestive of a house upon a mountain.

[Illustration: FIG. 163--Winter 1877-78--Camp at Signal mountain; hunt on Pecan creek.]

Anko records the fact that he hunted buffalo this winter on Elk creek (on upper Red river), called by the Kiowa _Dónä´-i P'a_, "Pecan river." The rounded figure below the winter mark is intended to represent a pecan nut.

This winter is noted for an epidemic of fever, which is mentioned in the report for 1878. In the fall of 1877, under Agent Haworth, as an inducement to the Indians to abandon their roaming habit, the government built houses for ten prominent chiefs of the three tribes, including Stumbling-bear, Gaápiatañ (Heidsick), Guñsádalte (Cat), and Sun-boy, of the Kiowa, and White-man and Taha, of the Apache. These were the first Indian houses ever built upon the reservation, excepting two erected by the military. At first the new owners continued to live in the tipis, which they preferred from long usage, but by the further gift of beds and chairs they were induced to go into the houses. An attempt to get the Indians to cut the logs and do a part of the work themselves under instruction seems to have been a failure. The houses were reasonably good frame structures of three rooms, having doors, glass windows, and substantial double fireplaces and chimneys of stone; they cost $600 each (_Report, 96_). In 1886 there were nine Kiowa families living in houses (_Report, 97_), but a few years later most of these dwellings were vacant or occupied by white renters, the Indian owners being again in the tipis.

SUMMER 1878

_Adăldä K`ádó_, "Repeated sun dance." This is the second recorded instance of this kind, the first having occurred in 1842. On the Set-t´an calendar it is indicated by the figure of two adjoining medicine lodges, and in the Anko calendar by a double-forked medicine pole. The two dances were held on the North fork of Red river. Part of the Kiowa had gone to the plains on the western part of the reservation to hunt buffalo, while the others remained at home. Each party, unknown to the other, promised to make a sun dance, in consequence of which one dance was held at the regular period, after which the leaves were renewed and another dance was held for another four days. On this occasion also the buffalo hunters, who made one sun dance, were escorted by a detachment of troops as a protection and as a precaution against their committing depredations (_Report, 98_).

[Illustration: FIG. 164.--Summer 1878--Repeated sun dance.]

WINTER 1878-79

The event noted for this winter on both calendars is the killing of Ä´to-t'aíñ, "White-cowbird," the man to whom Set-t'aiñte had given his medicine lance five years before, thus resigning his chieftanship to him (see summer 1874). On the Set-t'an calendar it is indicated by a human figure painted red and with the red headdress, both characteristic of Set-t'aiñte, above the winter mark, and with the medicine lance or _zébat_ in front. On the Anko calendar it is indicated by the figure of the arrow-lance below the winter mark. By a curious coincidence Set-t'aiñte himself committed suicide in a Texas prison about the same time.

[Illustration: FIG. 165--Winter 1878-79--Ä´to-t'aíñ killed.]

Ä´to-t'aíñ was the brother of the chief Sun-boy, and on account of his relationship and the dignity conferred upon him by Set-t'aiñte, if not for his personal merits, was a prominent man in the tribe. On account of having this lance he was also known as Zébä-dó-k`ía, "Man-who-has-the-arrows," i. e., "Arrowman." He was killed by Texans while with a party who had gone, by permission of the agent and accompanied by an escort of troops, to hunt buffalo on upper Red river in what is now Greer county, Oklahoma; the Texans shot him through the body and both arms, scalped him, and cut off a finger upon which was a ring. The hunt occurred in the winter season, but the buffalo were now so nearly exterminated that it was practically a failure and the Indians suffered much in consequence. The killing with its sequel is thus noted in the official report: