Chapter 3 of 4
Unsegmented source body · Part 3
Civilization of the Indian Natives: or, a Brief View of the Friendly Conduct of William Penn Towards Them in the Early Settlement of Pennsylvania · Halliday Jackson
Their fears were not groundless in this respect; for soon after war was proclaimed, many of the surrounding inhabitants became very uneasy, and divers left their settlements, and removed to places more remote from the natives. This circumstance caused some alarm among the Indians. They apprehended that their sincerity and friendly dispositions were suspected; in consequence whereof, a council was held between them and their white neighbours, to endeavour to eradicate the fears and jealousies which existed between them. The result of this was, that the Indians promised to take no part in the war, and the whites agreed not to molest them in their peaceable possessions.
This conclusion, however, did not stand long, on the part of the Indians. They were called upon by the United States to engage in the contest, and to take up arms against their brethren in Canada, who were, no doubt, excited to this unnatural war, by the British government. Some of the young warriors, who had never before seen the dreadful effects of such a conflict, were anxious to try their valour, and gain themselves a name; while many of their elderly people, who retained some knowledge of former wars, were more disposed to remain quiet at home. But as it is not the design of this work to give a history of the war, in all its bearings on the Indians, it is sufficient to say, that during the period the war lasted, they were at times engaged therein by parties; and in proportion to the part they acted on this occasion, their advancement in civilization was impeded.
In the autumn of this year, two of the committee visited the settlements at Tunesassa and Cattaraugus, by whom a suitable address was sent to the Indians. But they found them in a very unsettled situation, on account of the war; and said “they could not, at present, attend to their improvements--for, look which way they would, they saw nothing but war.”
As the situation of the Friends stationed among the Indians was also trying at this period, they were left at liberty either to leave them, and return home, or to remain, as they felt best satisfied to do.
In the year 1813, although frequent alarms continued to pervade the Indians’ borders, our Friends did not apprehend it sufficient cause to abandon their residence, or to relax their endeavours to establish the Indians in a more permanent advantage from the soil. The Indians, too, appeared to have a special confidence in Friends, and often consulted them on account of their own safety, stating “that if Friends removed from them, they would become uneasy, and flee also.”
Although some of the Indians attended to their business, yet the continual alarms, and frequent calls on them to assist in the invasion of Canada, very much diverted their attention from their domestic concerns; and their war excursions had a demoralizing effect, by exposing them again to the use of intoxicating liquors, which gained an ascendency over some.
Towards the close of this season, at the time Buffalo was attacked and burned by the British, the Indians became exceedingly agitated. Those of Cattaraugus, lying more contiguous to the scene of action, moved a great part of their property to the south side of the river, in order to flee in case of an attack. The consternation that prevailed among the inhabitants generally, in that country, had a tendency to increase their fears; and probably a consciousness of their having taken up arms against their brethren in Canada, naturally created apprehensions, that, if their enemies proved victorious they would have to suffer a retaliation.
The alarm, however, subsided, as there was no attack made on them, and they were permitted to remain quiet the succeeding winter, and attend somewhat to their necessary concerns.
In the fall of 1814, the settlements were visited again by four of the committee. They arrived at Cattaraugus the thirteenth of the Ninth month, and had a council on the fifteenth with the Indians. Many of them were then absent, being engaged in the war, and more were about going. But when they heard of Friends’ arrival, they concluded to stay at home.
They stated the many difficulties which they laboured under, on account of the war, and the great obstruction it was to their improvement. They said the officers often called on them to go to war, and if they staid at home, they were not satisfied--and they did not know whether they were safe or not.
“Brothers, said they, the war has continued for three summers past. We have still had time to provide a little for our families; but this year we scarcely get home, before another express comes for us. We have been in hopes these troubles would subside; but from the present commotions, and noise of the great guns on the lines, we have entertained doubts how or when it will end.”
At the conclusion of the council, they remarked the great satisfaction they felt, that the Friends who lived beside them had remained so steady with them through their difficulties, that although the great guns had roared so loud as to shake the ground whereon they stood, yet they remained quiet; which convinced them that they must be under the protection of the Great Spirit.
Notwithstanding the various interruptions the Indians had met with on account of the war, they had made very considerable advances in agricultural improvements, at this settlement. The author, being one of the deputation who now visited them, had an opportunity of observing the great contrast in their situation, since Friends came to settle among them. They had enclosed with good fences, and cultivated several hundred acres of good land, within three or four years past; a great proportion of which was planted with corn and potatoes, or sowed with oats, &c. and generally looked well. Many families had raised wheat, and were preparing to sow more in the fall. Several had raised flax, and about twenty-five of their women had learned to spin. Their women, also, appeared more neat and cleanly, in their dress and houses. But three or four families remained in their old village, having found it much to their advantage to settle more detached from each other. They were now scattered along, on the rich bottoms, for several miles. Considerable improvement had also taken place in the mode of building. Many had good houses, and some had barns, and scarcely any of the old cabins were seen standing. The Indians had procured a number of wagons and carts, with other farming utensils, as well as several yoke of oxen. Their stock of cattle, in general, was much increased; and the Indians said, in council, there were but one or two families but had cows or horses.
The committee also visited the settlement at Alleghany, and held a general council with the Indians at Cold Spring, where they were encouraged to perseverance in the path they had for many years been pointing out to the Indians, and in which good way they had made considerable progress. But it was observed, that they were deficient in several respects, and had not made so much improvement as was desirable for the opportunity they had had. In their replies, they acknowledged the very great benefit they had received in time past, from the advice and instruction of Friends, but said they had made less improvement since the war commenced; that they were frequently called upon by the officers to go to war, and this kept them uneasy, so that they could not attend to their business. Some of their people had, also, during the war, got into habits of intemperance--and this tended to retard their advancement in the modes of civilized life.
The old chief, Cornplanter, not having attended this council, several of the company paid him a visit at his own house, about eleven miles distant from Tunesassa. About five or six families remained with the old chief, at his settlement, mostly his connexions. The old town of Jenuchshadaga, where all the first councils between Friends and the Indians were held, was entirely deserted, and so overgrown with young timber, as almost to conceal the place where it stood. This strange mutation of things at this place, was principally owing to the land being Cornplanter’s private property, and to the disposition of the other Indians to move higher up the river, and settle on land belonging to the nation, where they would have a greater security for the improvements they should make.
Cornplanter expressed his great satisfaction at once more seeing his friends in his own house, and that he was still preserved alive to talk with them. He acknowledged the advice of Friends had always been good, and that in consequence of many of the Indians adhering to it, their situation had been much improved, but that in consequence of the miseries of war, some of his people had again become intemperate.
The too common practice of men and their wives parting, having been animadverted upon at the late council, the old chief observed, that he also reprobated it, as being attended with many evil effects; and that he had often seen children, who had been thus neglected, when young, in consequence of their parents’ separation, reflect on their parents, when they got old, and charge them with neglect of duty; it being generally the practice where separations take place, for the mother to take charge of the children, and provide for them as well as she can.
“The liquor, said he, has been introduced among us by white people; but this evil practice has grown up among ourselves. Our young people are too fond of diversions, and not serious enough, in forming connexions. I have often advised them to more sobriety and regular conduct, and spent much of my time in serving the nation.”
The Indians, generally, on the Alleghany river, continued to increase their stock of cattle, horses, and swine, quite equal to their means of supporting them through the winter; although in other respects, since the commencement of the war, they had made but little progress in agriculture. Many of the women, however, had given considerable attention to spinning--especially in the winter season. They appeared more cleanly in their persons and houses than they formerly did; and their manners, and general deportment, appeared to be rising from that degraded state in which they had formerly lived, and becoming more assimilated to the modes and practices of white people.
The spring of 1815, was ushered in with the welcome and consoling news of peace, to the poor Indians; an accommodation having taken place between the United States and Great Britain in the preceding winter. Not only could the Seneca nation participate in the blessings of peace, by having their prospects to pursue their agricultural labours again brightened, but many of the surrounding tribes, who had been more extensively engaged in the late contest, could now lay down the hatchet, which had often been stained with the blood of their enemies.
But although peace had now taken place, and hostilities ceased between the contending parties, it was doubtful whether the Seneca nation would be conciliated, and immediately restored to that mutual friendship, which previous to the war had subsisted between them and their confederate tribes in Canada, who had, under the banner of Great Britain, taken up arms against the United States. It was, therefore, believed expedient by the committee at this critical juncture to send them a suitable address on the occasion, from which the following is extracted.
“Brothers, since it has pleased the Great Spirit to restore to our country the blessing of peace, we have felt our minds concerned to address you, in order to encourage you to pursue the path we have long been pointing out to you; and likewise to call your attention to the great advantages resulting from living in peace with all men.
“Brothers, we are sensible that there are two spirits at work in the minds of men. The one produces in us a disposition of love and good will towards all men, and is a comforter for all good actions. The other excites evil thoughts and desires, and influences to bad actions, such as lying, swearing, drunkenness, pride, envy, hatred, gaming, and many other evils, which, if given way to, often create war between nations. So we believe it is in our power to resist the evil spirit, and conquer all the evil propensities of our nature, by obeying the Good Spirit, and by daily watching, and prayer to him. If we so conduct, he will deliver us from evil.
“Brothers, our fathers, and we their children, who profess the same principles by which they were guided, have always believed that wars and fightings are displeasing to the Great Spirit, who is all love, and who made of one blood all nations of men, that they should live in peace and love with each other. For this cause, he hath placed his law in our hearts, and in the hearts of all men, teaching, not only to love one another, but also to forgive injuries, and even to love and do good to our enemies.
“Brothers, where people live in this disposition, and trust in the Great Spirit for protection, it has a powerful effect in producing the same disposition in the minds of those who wish to do them an injury; and instead of hatred, it will produce in their minds love and good will. For you must be sensible, brothers, that when a man is angry with another, and uses many threatening expressions, if the other returns mild answers, and endeavours to pacify him by acts of kindness and good will, it is more likely to restore the angry man to a sober and right state of mind, than if he were to quarrel and fight with him--and this would be overcoming evil with good, which is always pleasing to the Great Spirit.
“Brothers, we are sensible that the late war must have brought you into great difficulty and distress--and we are thankful for the return of peace. We hope the Great Spirit will preserve you from again feeling the miseries of war. We also wish you to be reanimated, to pursue your farming, and the improvement of your land, under the instruction of our friends who reside among you, as this is the only sure method we can recommend to you to obtain a comfortable living for yourselves and families; and the most likely means, as you are industrious and become sensible of the value of your property, of securing you in the permanent possession of your land.
“Brothers, our desires continue as strong at the present day, as ever they were, to promote your happiness in this life, and in that which is to come. But this happy state we know can only be attained, by having our minds drawn to the Great Spirit, by imploring his protection, and by beseeching him that he would preserve us in love towards all mankind. If we are sincere in our desires for his assistance, and attentive to the voice of his spirit in our hearts, we shall have reason to hope for his blessing upon our labours, which is our desire for ourselves, for our Indian brethren, and for all men.”
The Indians were also strongly reminded in this address, of the dangerous tendency of introducing strong liquor again into their villages, as the late war had exposed them to the use of it more than they had been for many years previous--and if they now become so unwise as to fall again in love with it, it would prove their ruin.
This communication had a stimulating effect upon the Indians at both the settlements. Those of Alleghany sent a written address to the committee, signed by six of their chiefs, in which they expressed in a high degree, their sense of gratitude for the continued care of the society of Friends over them, and the great advantages they had received from their instruction. They also renewed their request that they might be furnished with a schoolmaster, as but little attention had been given to their improvement in school learning for some time past, owing to the general disinclination of the Indians to have their children thus instructed.
At the request of the Indians, also, in the summer of 1816, four lads, two from Buffalo, and two from Alleghany, were brought into Chester county, within forty miles of Philadelphia, and placed with suitable persons under the care of the committee, to be instructed in school learning, and some of the mechanic arts.
In the Eighth month this year, a Friend who had formerly devoted many years to the instruction of the natives, proceeded again with his wife to the Alleghany settlement, accompanied by a young man in the capacity of a schoolmaster; and the family who had resided there for some years past returned from thence. The school was again opened at Cold Spring town, in the Tenth month, where about twenty different scholars attended, in an irregular manner, owing, in part, to the scarcity of provisions. This scarcity of food was occasioned by unusually early frost, which destroyed more than half their corn, and likewise many other vegetables. This calamity was felt through all that part of the country bordering on the lakes.
Although the Indians had had the fairest prospect of a plentiful supply, yet, from the foregoing circumstance, many of them were compelled to resort to their former source of dependence, and with their families, retire to the woods and hunting encampments, where they remained a great part of the winter.
The Indians at Cattaraugus were conspicuous sufferers by this calamity; many of them having their crops of corn entirely cut off, while they had as yet scarcely recruited from their sufferings during the late war. Friends duly considered their distressed situation, and granted five hundred dollars to be applied in supplying them with provisions, and three hundred more to be administered to the necessities of those on the Alleghany reservation. These donations were gratefully received by the Indians, and were peculiarly useful in enabling them, the following spring, more generally to attend to their agricultural pursuits, without being compelled from necessity to retire to their hunting grounds. It was said five hundred and twelve individuals at Alleghany, and three hundred and ninety at Cattaraugus, partook of this timely donation of Friends.
In the spring of 1817, the fears of the committee were strongly excited for the safety of the Indians, from the various concurring accounts, that plans were again devising to induce a removal of many of them in the state of New York, from their present seat, to one very remote among the western tribes. A measure of this kind would not only tend to unsettle the Indians in their agricultural pursuits, but if carried into effect, would entirely frustrate the plan of their civilization, and render of little avail the labours of Friends for twenty years past, and the expenditure of more than forty thousand dollars in promoting their advancement toward a civilized state.
The committee, therefore, being fully impressed with the great loss the Indians would inevitably sustain by a removal to a distant clime, communicated their views by a written address; and with a view of setting them in a more permanent possession of the soil, recommended a division of their land into lots, suitable to accommodate each family, to be held under such regulations, that it might descend from parent to children, and other near connexions; and under such restrictions as would debar individuals from selling, leasing, or transferring it, in any way, to white people.
This measure being of an important character in the disposition of Indian affairs, it was believed expedient, by the committee, to present a memorial to the President of the United States, in their behalf, by which he was fully made acquainted with the plan proposed to the Indians for a division of their land; and being visited, also, by a deputation from the committee, and furnished with various documents, it opened the way for a free communication of sentiment on the subject, and the president gave assurance of attentively perusing and duly considering the documents and memorial.
In the Ninth month this year, the settlements of Tunesassa and Cattaraugus were again visited by four of the committee, who spent several weeks among the Indians, in attending to the various services of their appointment. They inspected, particularly, the state of improvement at both the settlements, and also had divers interviews with the Indians in council, at both places.
With respect to the improvements at Cattaraugus, the author being one of the deputation now visiting them, had a fair opportunity of judging of the advances they had made in three years past. Their settlements at this place were now extended about ten miles in length--and they had fenced in many fields and laid out their farms much more detached from each other--and were gradually advancing in agriculture. It was supposed they had more than two hundred acres of corn growing, (and it generally looked well,) besides one hundred acres more under cultivation; spring wheat, oats, potatoes, and a great variety of garden vegetables. Their stock of cattle and horses was much increased, and divers of them had enclosed lots of grass on which they gathered hay for winter. Many of the women had made considerable progress in spinning, so as, in the course of the last year, to make about one hundred and seventy yards of cloth.
The Alleghany settlement was said to consist of about seventy families, all of whom, except four, had horned cattle, amounting in the whole to upwards of four hundred.
They had more horses than was any advantage to them. Their corn, oats, and buckwheat, were in a prosperous condition, and promised to afford them a plentiful supply. And it was pleasing to find, that they had generally refrained from the use of spirituous liquors. The women, also, continued their attention to spinning and manufacturing their clothing.
The school taught by the Friend at this place was also in a more prosperous condition than had hitherto been evidenced among those Indians. Nearly twenty lads attended, divers of whom could write and read the English language, and had otherwise made satisfactory progress in learning. The cleanliness of their persons, their order in the school, and general deportment, appeared to be encouraging.
A prominent object in this visit was, to encourage the Indians to make the experiment of dividing their land into lots, and holding it as private property, under certain restrictions. This was suggested to them, in separate councils with the different tribes, as the most eligible plan by which they could continue to possess the good land which they and their fathers had so long enjoyed, and which of late years they had improved so much, that “this land, with its valuable improvements, might pass to their children, and be inherited by them as long as the Alleghany and Cattaraugus rivers should continue to run, and the grass and corn to grow.”
The Indians in their several settlements, took this matter under serious consideration; and, in consequence of an arrangement made for the purpose, Friends met the principal chiefs, and many others of the Seneca nation, in a general council at Cattaraugus, among whom was the noted chief, Red Jacket, and several others from Buffalo. In this general council, the subject of dividing their land into lots, was again proposed to the Indians, as the most eligible means of accelerating their civilization, and securing them more permanently in the possession of the remnant of the land they yet occupied; and that these lots should be of adequate dimensions to accommodate each family with a farm, and be held under such restrictions, that they could not be alienated, or leased to any other than their own people, but in such manner as to secure to the individuals respectively, the land, with the improvements thereon, which should be appropriated to each. It was believed the adoption of this measure would prove an additional stimulus to their industry and care, in the prospect it presented, of the benefits which might result from their agricultural labours descending to, and being enjoyed by, their children, and posterity more remote. This important subject occupied the deliberate attention of the Indians for several days. The result was, a resolution that an experiment should be made on the Alleghany reservation by the Indians residing thereon, many of whom had for a considerable time been desirous of possessing their property more distinct from each other than had heretofore been the case.
On the morning Friends were about to proceed on their way homewards, a number of the chiefs called to see them, and expressed their great satisfaction with the conclusions that had resulted at the late council. One of them named Blue-eyes, said, “Brothers, we want you to continue your endeavours to strengthen us, that we may not become a lost people, but that by persevering in the right path, we may experience preservation. We believe it is owing to the favourable disposition of the United States, that the Six Nations yet exist. And we are of the opinion, from the representations that have been made, that we owe much to you--and we trust to an overruling providence, who has thus favoured us, that we may yet experience preservation.”
Notwithstanding the repeated refusals of the Indians to dispose of any more of their land, renewed applications were made by those holding the pre-emption right in the beginning of the year 1818; and at a general council, held at Buffalo, about this time, they again determined not to sell; and with a view of making the President of the United States more particularly acquainted with their situation, and with the difficulties to which they were subjected, by these repeated applications for land, they sent forward a talk for that purpose, signed by twenty-one chiefs of the Seneca, Cayuga, and Onondago tribes, which was published in the Niagara Patriot, and from which, for its simple, natural, impassioned, and pathetic eloquence, we shall present to the reader a few extracts.
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“Father, from the fatherly care the presidents of the United States have exercised towards their red children, we speak to our father in confidence, believing he will not turn away his ears from his red children. We are alarmed lest we lose our seats. Those men who say they have a right to purchase our lands, have been distressing us for a number of years with their plans to possess our lands--offering us in exchange lands to the westward. We declare to you, we desire you to publish to all our white brothers, that it is our fixed and determined purpose to live and die on our present land. It is sealed to us by the bones of our fathers--they obtained it by their blood. Our bones shall lie beside theirs--it is the heritage of the Almighty--he gave it us--he it is must take it from us.”
“We mean no threat by this--we know we are in the hands of our white brethren--they can destroy us with ease--but they need not think to persuade us to part with our lands--as free men we claim the right to choose between being killed outright, or a lingering execution, by being driven a thousand miles into the wilderness.
“Where, father, where would our white brothers have us to go? The Indian claim to land is put out for more than a thousand miles to the west--except little spots for particular nations.
“We have confidence in you. You cannot see your red children, with their little ones, driven off by stealth and fraud--leaving the sepulchres of their fathers, their farms, their farming tools, and their cattle, and dying by families on the road, through hardships and privation--exchanging all their advances in civilization and its comforts, for the hardships of the chase--without house or friend.
“Father, we have confidence in you, that if you see any device formed against us, you will frustrate it, and succour your red children. We have deceived no man--we have wronged no man--our language has been one--we choose not to part with our land. If we have been needlessly alarmed, you will pity our ignorance, and forgive our childish fears.
“We trust that you will pardon the multitude of our words. Let none deceive you in saying that this is the voice of a few individuals, and not the voice of the Six Nations. It is the voice of the Six Nations in the state of New York. The chiefs of Buffalo, Cattaraugus, Genessee, and Onondago, are now in council. We have the message of Oneida and Alleghany with us, desiring we should speak to our father the president--intreating him to consider and help us. Speak, father--speak to your children, that their minds may be at rest. Speak to our council fire at this place, and let us hear your own words; send them by safe hands.
“May the Great Spirit preserve you many years a blessing to all your children.”
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The Indians also sent a copy of the foregoing talk to the governor of New York, accompanied with a short address, from which we make the following extracts:
“Father, we thank you that you feel anxious to do all you can to the perishing ruins of your red children. We hope, Father, you will make a fence strong and high around us, that wicked white men may not devour us at once, but let us live as long as we can. We are persuaded you will do this for us, because our field is laid waste and trodden down by every beast--we are feeble and cannot resist them.”
“Father, we are persuaded you will do this for the sake of our white brothers, lest God, who has appeared so strong in building up white men and pulling down Indians, should turn his hand and visit our white brothers for their sins, and call them to an account for all the wrongs they have done them, and all the wrongs they have not prevented, that it was in their power to prevent, to their poor red brothers, who have no helper.
“Father, would you be the father of your people and make them good and blessed of God, let not the cries of his red children ascend into his ears against you.”
Without further comment on these impressive communications of the Indians, we shall leave the reader to his own reflections, after stating, that whatever impressions they might have made on the rulers to whom they were addressed, it did not prevent the renewed and persevering applications of the pre-emption holders, to obtain the Indians’ land, which, although they as often refused to sell, had the effect to keep them in a state of agitation and unsettlement; for although they had been repeatedly told that their lands were their own, and that they could not be compelled to dispose of them without their consent, and that President Washington had fully assured them that the United States would protect them in the remainder of their lands, which they had not legally conveyed away at public treaties, yet there appeared to be a degree of jealousy existing with some, as to the sincerity of these professions, and a fear lest they might, at some time, be compelled to relinquish their rightful possessions and be removed to another clime.
The Indians at Alleghany, therefore, sent a message to the committee, in which they expressed a wish that Friends would endeavour to obtain for them a written instrument from the President of the United States, to strengthen, as they said, their title to their land, so that they might be easy themselves, and their children after them. And as it had been concluded in the last fall, to divide the Alleghany reservation into lots, they also wished to know whether this plan was agreeable to the President.
In consequence of this request of the Alleghany chiefs, as also with a view of making the executive department of government more fully acquainted with their situation, various documents were prepared and committed to the charge of four of the committee, to present to the secretary of war, and such other officers of government as seemed to be requisite. These documents were calculated to explain the views of Friends in the interesting and benevolent design of ameliorating the condition, and promoting the civilization of the Indians, and also to impress the public mind with the peculiarly distressed situation of the aborigines of our country generally.
A surveyor being furnished by Friends, some essay was made, in the course of this year, towards dividing the Alleghany reservation into lots, as had previously been concluded on in general council. But difficulties occurred among the Indians respecting it, which they were not at that time able to reconcile; as the division lines would in many instances interfere with their present improvements; and their local attachments having, in a considerable degree, been increased since they become more detached in their settlements and applied themselves to the pursuits of an agricultural life, the plan of division was abandoned for the present.
It may here be proper to state, that in their former practice of locating the land they wished to cultivate, they never interfered with each other’s boundaries. There was land sufficient for them all. Each family possessed the spot upon which they settled, without interruption from others; and if they wished to relinquish it, and remove to another, they might sell their improvements to other Indians. It is, therefore, not surprising, that in effecting so radical a change from their former customs, as the one contemplated, difficulties should occur--and it will require time for local prejudices, gradually to give way to the more enlightened views of civilization, and for more correct ideas of distinct property to be realized.
Notwithstanding the state of unsettlement, considerable improvement in divers respects, was apparent this year, especially at the Cattaraugus settlement. A school for the first time was opened at that place, by a young man who offered for that service, and was attended by a number of children, with as much regularity as could reasonably be expected.
In the year 1819, and for some time previous, the Indians on the Alleghany river had got much in the practice of cutting and rafting pine timber down the river, and selling to white people, which was rather an injury to them than otherwise, as it opened an intercourse with some of the most profligate of the whites, and exposed them more to the use of intoxicating liquors than when at home, engaged in their agricultural labours. It also had a tendency to frustrate the plan of dividing their land into lots, as they now had liberty to range at large in the woods and get timber where they pleased, while the land remained as common stock to the nation.
In the spring of this year, an Indian, who was a lad when Friends first settled amongst them, and who had since been instructed in the blacksmith business, dictated a letter to the author, in reply to one sent to him sometime before, from which, to show his own views of the improvement he had made, we make the following extracts.
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“I received thy letter of the eighteenth of last month, much to my satisfaction. I was glad to hear that my old friend W---- was well, and thou may inform him that I have usual health also. I well remember the counsel of my friends, the Quakers. I see they want to do me good--I feel strong about it. They told me to work at my trade, and to plough, and sow, and raise grain and grass. All this is very good advice. I now have plenty of corn, and some other grain, and hay. I have worked at my trade so as to earn ninety dollars, and received my pay from our agent. Besides this, about thirty dollars for other smithing, done last year. I feel glad the Quakers live so near me. I do their smithing. They have ploughed several days for me. I have good corn in the land they ploughed, and some good wheat, potatoes, and other things, so that I have plenty. All this comes from my friends the Quakers’ advice.
“Thee mentions about running out our land into lots, and that an evil bird has sung us a bad song. We are in hopes that the good bird will begin to sing, and in hopes that by next spring, his song will be for our good. I want he should sing a good song for us. I myself cannot say much, but I want the land divided into lots. Some say they do not want it, and are putting it by. I am glad thee has wrote thy mind on paper to me on this subject, and sent it here--I think I can see more light by it. I wish thee to make thy mind easy. I will do what I can, and speak what I know is for our good. I am in hopes to see my friend H---- here, whom I remember when I was a boy. I intend to keep thy letter by me, that I may see what it says in time to come, that I may not forget thy advice. Farewell.”
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Notwithstanding the repeated assurances, from time to time, given to the Indians, that Friends were acting towards them from disinterested motives, and would never bring any charge against them, yet there were still individuals among them, probably instigated by the enemies of Friends among white people, who continued to excite jealousies and surmises, that Friends would at some future day, bring a charge against them. In order, therefore, to make their minds entirely easy on this _subject_, a writing was drawn up on parchment, containing the same assurances heretofore given, that Friends _never would bring any charge against them for their services_. This, as also a communication obtained from the President of the United States, respecting the division of their land, and sanctioning the plan of Friends, was forwarded to them, and seemed for the present to have a conciliating effect.
During this summer, an increasing improvement was manifested by several of the Indians, clearing themselves new farms, distinct from their former fields, and preparing to put in their crops, which they accomplished in due season.
In the summer of 1820, circumstances again requiring a visit from the committee to the Indian settlements, two other Friends and the writer, were deputed for that service. They proceeded to Tunesassa in the Ninth month; and after inspecting into the situation of the Indians, and their state of improvement, they found, that, although many had made considerable advances in agriculture and the modes of civilized life, yet there were individuals who probably being instigated by designing white men, or from a perverse disposition in themselves, had become inimical to their abandoning their former habits, and pursuing the mode of life in which Friends had for many years been endeavouring to instruct them. This created jealousy and party spirit in some degree among them at this period.
To meet these circumstances, and to endeavour to reconcile the minds of the Indians, a council was called, which their chiefs generally, and many others of their people, attended, to the number of about seventy.
The following is extracted from the address of Friends, delivered to them on this occasion.
* * * * *
“Brothers, by the permission of the Great and Good Spirit who made the world, and is acquainted with all the actions of men, we are permitted to meet in council, and we desire that he may help us to come to right conclusions.
“Brothers, it is now a long time since the Seneca nation became sensible that if they continued to exist as a people, they must change their mode of living from the hunter state, and engage in agricultural pursuits. They were very desirous that their brothers, the Quakers, would assist them. They believed it pleasing to the Great Spirit, that men should assist and help each other, and that Friends came amongst them for that purpose.
“Brothers, when our Friends first came among you, you had no good houses--very few cattle--very little land cultivated--your numbers were decreasing, and it appears certain to us, and to yourselves, that unless a change were made, you would fast dwindle away, and the Seneca nation become as it were dead.
“Brothers, some of our friends have been engaged in instructing you for more than twenty years. You have been taught to build more comfortable houses--you have enclosed and cultivated fields--you have much increased your stock of cattle, and other useful animals. Some of your men have been instructed in useful trades. Many of your women have learned to spin, and some of your children have been taught to read and write.
“Brothers, we love you, and therefore we feel bound to speak plainly to you. We hope our words may sink deep into your minds. It is the voice of your old and true friends, who have never deceived you. You must endeavour to improve in the habits of civilized life, until you arrive at the state of some of the best of the white people, or you will gradually go back until you lose what you have gained--your friends with mournful hearts will give you up--your lands will go from you--and the very name of the Seneca nation, like many that have gone before you, will only be known in history.
“Brothers, a man in the habit of taking strong drink to excess sets a bad example to his neighbours, and his family, and brings his poor wife and innocent children to poverty and distress. This conduct is offensive to the Great Spirit; and unless he changes, he becomes one of the most wretched of men. We wish you, therefore, to endeavour to reclaim such of your people as have fallen into this evil practice, and to warn those who may be in danger of contracting the habit.
“Brothers, we desire to stimulate you to increased industry. The industrious man is always the most comfortable. Labour is good for health; it makes the mind cheerful; and by steadily attending to business, we have the satisfaction to see every thing improving around us. What appeared hard, by perseverance becomes easy.
“Brothers, the greatest kindness a man can do to his children, is to begin early, to learn them to be industrious, and to engage them in business suitable to their years. The boys ought to help their fathers in the fields--the mothers and daughters to be engaged in spinning--in making clothes, in cooking victuals, and in all the business that is suitable to their sex--their houses, their beds, their clothes, and every thing about them, should be kept clean and in good order.
“Brothers, it is consistent with the will of the Great Spirit, that men and women should be connected in marriage. It is an engagement of great importance, and we should not enter into it, until we are of sufficient age to think and judge for ourselves; and when marriage is contracted, the parties are bound to help and love each other--to care for, and instruct their children--and while families live in love and harmony together, it is very comfortable and very good;--but when division gets in, and differing, it is the work of the evil spirit--and if man and wife separate and marry others, it produces confusion, and must be displeasing in the Divine sight, and no people can prosper and grow strong who are in such practices.
“Brothers, it is the duty of parents to have their children educated. The Great Spirit has given us minds capable of improvement, and by education children become more capable of learning the various trades, which will add to their comfort and happiness; and we believe it is right that the girls should be taught as well as the boys.
“Brothers, we have been desirous that the lands belonging to you might remain firm in your hands, that your children and children’s children might possess them. For this end, we advised you to divide to every family a farm, so that they might say, “this is mine,” and improve it for their own benefit. And although changes are at first subject to some difficulties, yet we believe those difficulties may be overcome.
“Brothers, on this subject you wished to have the mind of your father, the President of the United States, to strengthen you in the conclusion you had come to in general council, to divide the Alleghany reservation. You requested your friends in Philadelphia to go to the President, and obtain his opinion. One of us, who are now present, with some others, took a journey to Washington, for the purpose of complying with your request, and we found the President fully impressed with the necessity of such a measure, and he gave us a paper, in strong words, sealed with the great seal of the United States, and directed to the Alleghany chiefs, advising and urging that you might carry the business into effect, which paper was sent to you.
“Brothers, we hope you will keep your minds strong on this subject, for we shall hardly know how to go again to the President, and make requests on your behalf, if, when they are granted, they are not proceeded in.
“Brothers, our talk has been long. Circumstances seemed to require it; we hope you will consider it well. We love and desire the prosperity of you all; and although you may differ in opinion in some matters, yet we desire that the Good Spirit may unite your minds in love, and that you may all join in endeavours to promote education and improvement.”
* * * * *
The Indians took these matters into serious consideration, and promised to make a reply the day following--and when they assembled for that purpose, it was evident they were divided into two parties, and divers of them had become opposed to their children’s being instructed in school learning, giving this as a reason, “that they were more liable to be corrupted by bad white people.”
Much the greater part, however, continued to manifest an attachment to Friends, and, in their replies, gave hearty assurances of attending to their advice. They appeared to be fully sensible that remaining on their land, and pursuing the plan that Friends had pointed out to them, were the only means by which they could continue to be a nation. The chief sachem, named _Blue-Eyes_, in the course of his speech, remarked, “If we go from here we are a lost people. Look to the east, west, north, or south; all is filled up, and there is no place for us.”
On the subject of dividing their land, they appeared to be discouraged, owing to their divided state, and the opposition met with from some individuals, who no doubt were influenced by interested and _designing men_; as this great object would be the most likely means of settling the Indians in a permanent possession of the soil, and thereby frustrate _the avaricious designs_ of speculators. The secret insinuations of this class of the white people added much to the difficulties of Friends in pursuing their plans of civilization; nor was it to be wondered at, that individuals, among a people who had long been a prey to designing white men, should become alienated from Friends, and cease to follow their counsel.
At the close of this council, they were, however, reminded of the dangers to which they were exposing themselves, and the advantages that might be taken by their enemies, of their divided state, and especially by those who wished to obtain their lands. They were told that, “we still considered them as brethren--that we were not divided in our good wishes for them--that we had always desired, and continued to desire, the welfare of all Indians, and that, on bidding them farewell, on the present occasion, we still hoped the Great Spirit might incline their minds to unite together in love as brethren, and that they would yet join in promoting the education of their children, and in advancing in all the improvements that were necessary for the comfort and real benefit of man.”
From Alleghany the committee proceeded to the Cattaraugus settlement, and spent some time in viewing the improvements of the Indians at that place. They found that considerable progress had been made within three years past, in building houses, and enclosing more land on the rich fiats, which was cultivated with corn, oats, potatoes, turnips, and other vegetables of various kinds, affording a prospect of a plentiful supply of provisions.
A council was held with the Indians, and after an introductory speech from the chief warrior, which is customary on all such occasions, the following address was delivered to them.
* * * * *
“Brothers, having been preserved through a long journey, we are now, by the favour of the Great Spirit, enabled once more to meet you in council.
“Brothers, in passing through your land, we are glad to see that you are situated on a rich and fruitful soil, where, by reasonable care and industry, every thing necessary for a comfortable subsistence may be readily obtained.
“Brothers, it affords us satisfaction to observe the improvements you have already made--your well fenced fields, your corn, and other grain, and your cattle--and we feel, as your old and true friends, a strong desire that you may be stirred up to increased industry.
“Brothers, by perseverance and daily attention to business, the industrious man prospers, and is able to make a comfortable provision for his family; and it is not only our duty to labour for their support, but to train our children to assist in all the business they are capable of--to begin with them young, and thus, while they are useful to their parents, it adds greatly to their own real comfort.
“Brothers, by the united exertions of a family, much may be done. The house may be made more comfortable. Out houses may be erected to shelter the cattle. Barns may be built to store the grain and hay, to prevent injury from the weather. While the boys are engaged in assisting their fathers in these things, the girls ought to help their mothers in keeping the house clean, in spinning, in making clothes, in cooking victuals, and every business that is suitable for their sex.
“Brothers, by thus uniting in promoting improvements, you would soon make your farms to equal some of the best of your white neighbours; and if you would fully make the experiment, you would find that what we tell you is true.
“Brothers, it is good that parents tenderly love their children. It is also the duty of children to love and serve their parents. Families should live together in harmony; and when men and their wives differ and part, and marry to others, it is wrong--it is an injury to their children, and displeasing to the Great Spirit. We wish you seriously to think of these things, and to discourage so injurious a practice.
“Brothers, you have often been told by your friends, that the use of spirituous liquors is hurtful. We must again repeat it--we wish you to keep your minds strong on this subject, and often advise such of your people as are in the use of it to decline the practice.
“Brothers, we think it our duty to caution you not to listen to every voice that would divide you into parties. It will make you weak in your councils. Your enemies may take advantage of it, and by this means, the very land that you own may slide from you.”
* * * * *
To the foregoing communication, the chief warrior made a short reply, but intimated that they must confer together on the subject of Friends’ communication, and wished to meet them again in council, in two days, when they would reply more particularly.
At the close of this interview, which appeared to be solemn, one of the Friends present communicated some sentiments on the subject of religion, and the nature of true worship to the Great Spirit--stating that it might be performed while engaged in their fields, on the road, or while sitting with their families by their firesides. This they appeared fully to comprehend; and the chief warrior replied, “it was his religion, and the only one with which he was acquainted.”
This short though sincere confession of faith, from a native Indian, was a corroborating evidence that they were not destitute of the divine principle operating in the heart of man, which teaches him what constitutes the true worship of God, and requires not the aid of men or books to accomplish it, but is performed according to Christ’s testimony “in spirit and in truth,” arising from the sincere homage of a devout heart.
It appeared that the Indians at this place were also divided into parties, which prevented that free intercourse and conference with each other, which in former councils, were manifest, in forming their replies to Friends--and without a design to impeach the sincere natives of any religious sect of professing Christians, I may here state, from the observations made, and the information received on this visit, that the introduction of these, under the character of missionaries, on their land at Buffalo, where the chief councils of the nation are held, had created great uneasiness among them, and was a prominent cause of their present difficulties, and conflicting opinions. Some of the Indians had attached themselves to the missionary system, and joined in their modes of worship, singing, &c. and these were looked upon as converted to the Christian faith. Hence the others, who were opposed to the missionary plans, were branded with the epithet of pagans, a term hateful to Indians, and which they did not fully understand. Thus a spirit of jealousy was excited between the parties, and a fear entertained by some, that the introduction of missionaries on their land was designed to obtain a permanent possession, and eventually to dispossess them of it.
At the appointed time to meet them again in council, Friends attended, when the Indians of each party made replies to the former communication of Friends, which, for novelty of opinions, and to show the dilemma in which the Indians were involved, the reader will indulge me to give at considerable length.
The chief warrior’s son, on behalf of the one part, opened the council in the following manner.
* * * * *
“Brothers, the Great Spirit has blessed us, and enabled us once more to meet in council, with our brothers, the Quakers. We feel thankful that the Great Spirit has preserved our friends in health who have come to see us.
“Brothers, we want you not to be displeased, if we of this party open our minds to you. We are going to tell you our situation. Some of us pay attention and observe the sabbath day--others do not. We wish you now, brothers, to give us suitable advice, and make our difficulties straight, as you understand how to remove difficulties.
“Brothers, you know the cause of our difficulties. You know the reason we are divided. The young men who sit here (pointing to four or five who sat near him,) think different from the old ones. Our old men observe the sabbath, or First day. We are not prepared for it. We wish you to tell us which is best. Whether to do as our old men do, or follow our old customs.
“Brothers, we have heard from the Quakers, that it is a bad thing for a nation to divide, and you wished us to be of one mind as one man--and now we want you to tell us which is the best plan for us to pursue--whether white people’s customs, or our old ones. On the other hand, you have been well acquainted, from old time, with our ancient customs. We meet three times in the year to worship the Great Spirit; and we want you now to put us right about it, and give us your advice on this subject, whether we shall keep the sabbath, or continue to adhere to our former practice of worshipping the Great Spirit.
“Brothers, it is now many years since you have taken us by the hand, and have yearly given us advice. We intend to follow the advice we have heard from you; but some of our old men have been drawing towards the _missionaries_, and keeping the First-day.
“Brothers, we hope you fully understand what we have said, and wish the chain of friendship still may be kept bright between us and you--and that you will not be displeased at what we have said to you.”
* * * * *
A chief, named Strong, of the opposite party, then spoke nearly as follows:
“Brothers, yesterday we deliberated among ourselves, and we wanted to have our minds made up and united. When our younger brother proposed the foregoing questions to be put to our brothers the Quakers, we were glad; hoping they would make the thing straight among us.
“Brothers, I will now tell you our minds about it, and the reason why we have undertaken to keep the First-day of the week. Last season we went to a council at Buffalo, our agent P----, showed us a paper which came from the President, which stated that he wanted his brothers, the Indians, to take hold of improvements, and also to keep the First-day of the week. He also wanted our children to learn their books. He told us that Congress had made an appropriation for the purpose of improving the condition of the Indians, and he wished to know whether they would accept it. We told the agent we had the Quakers living beside us, with whom we were satisfied; and if any help came from the President, we wished it to come through the Quakers. Our agent told us, the Quakers, he knew were friends to us; they have property of their own to help you. Congress has also appropriated money to assist you, and you should leave it to the President to dispose of that, as he thinks best for your benefit.
We, therefore, concluded to pay attention to both the Quakers and the President, and have friends of both. We saw that many of the different nations of Indians were becoming civilized, and that the Seneca nation still remained in their old habits. We saw that the Quakers and the ministers, (meaning missionaries,) both observed the First-day. We concluded, as they did so, it must be an appointment of the Great Spirit to keep that day holy. We then thought, that as he had appointed it we must observe it also. Some of our people were wicked. They stole, and committed many bad actions. We thought we would endeavour to have our children instructed, while young, which would be better for them. We have been told, the world had been made a long time, when the Great Spirit sent his son, who brought light into the world, and wished that knowledge might be spread among mankind. Your brothers have often told us, there was but one God over all--we, therefore, thought our friends would be pleased if we should endeavour to christianize our children.
We then inquired among our people who were prepared for keeping First-day. Many of them were pleased with it, and prepared to observe it, and others were not. And after a while, a minister came along, and wanted to know if they wished to hear him preach. We consulted among ourselves, and concluded that when a minister came of his own accord, if he was a good man, he ought to be heard, but if he wanted to come and live amongst us and preach to us steadily, we would not accept him, or have a minister that our children could not understand. But we rather concluded to have some of our own people to give good advice to our children, on First-day, that they might improve and grow better. Some of our people have often heard of the accounts given in the Bible, and we thought it was right for us to keep First-day and hear good advice, or be read to, out of the Bible. The ministers who come here are different from our friends the Quakers. They are only travellers. Our friends the Quakers have given us a writing on parchment, stating that they would never bring any charge against us for what they have done.”
* * * * *
Friends, in their former council, had impressed upon the Indians the necessity of having their children instructed in school learning, and offered to supply them with a teacher, provided they would erect a school house, and send their children. The chief warrior, in reply, stated, that on consulting among themselves, both parties were willing to have their children instructed, and would endeavour to procure a house for that purpose. He also made some remarks on the advantages they had already received from the instruction of Friends, and among other things said,
* * * * *
“Brothers, in your good advices, you have cautioned us against the use of strong drink. There is a great alteration among us in that respect, and many of us are much improved both in this, and in industrious habits. Long ago we had no fences, no cattle, and were destitute of many other things which we now enjoy. We see a great difference in our people. We think we shall get along, though perhaps it may be slowly.
“Brothers, this village is divided into three or four districts, in each of which there are persons appointed to endeavour to have your advices put in practice. When they see any disorders, they are to treat with their brothers in order to reclaim them.”
* * * * *
They were then informed, that as the day was far spent, Friends would retire a few minutes to consult together, and return them an answer. In about half an hour, Friends returned again to the council house, and after informing them that (although they were divided in some things,) they were glad they were of one mind about the education of their children; and as soon as they got their house in readiness, they might inform Friends of it, and they would endeavour to furnish them with a teacher.
They were then presented with the following observations in writing, as the best advice that Friends could give them in their present divided and critical situation.
* * * * *
“Brothers, when your friends the Quakers came among you, their design was to improve your condition--to teach you to build more comfortable houses, to cultivate your land, to raise more grain, so as to enable you to raise and support more cattle--to educate your children, and to advance in all the useful habits of civilized life.
“Brothers, we believe that men ought to live, so as to seek for the assistance of the Good Spirit, to enable them to love and worship him--and although it is our practice to meet together to worship him, yet we do not wish to force upon you any of our performances in religion. We think it right that every man should follow the teachings of the Good Spirit, in his own heart, which, if attended to, would always lead him in the right path.
“Brothers, we beseech you not to let any thing divide you into parties, and make you feel enmity one against another. It would put you back in your improvements, it will make you weak--it is contrary to all right religion, and displeasing to the Great Spirit.”
Signed, SAMUEL BETTLE. WILLIAM NEWBOLD. HALLIDAY JACKSON.
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Several of the chiefs seemed desirous of having a more decided reply to the question they had urged upon us, with regard to the observation of the First-day of the week; and although they well knew the practice of Friends in meeting together for public worship on that day, yet it was believed most expedient, under their present circumstances, not to enforce it upon them. They were again recommended to attend strictly to the one, unerring guide, the voice of the Good Spirit in their own hearts, which was sufficient to direct them in the right path, without the teachings of any man; and that as they were obedient to this principle, it would gradually enlighten their understandings, and by degrees they would come to see more light.
This council concluded, with a hearty farewell by Friends, who informed them that they parted with them in as sincere friendship as they had ever done; having the same regard for one party as for the other.
From what transpired in this council, it was very evident that their difficulties and divisions arose from the introduction of the missionary system. By enforcing the observation of the Sabbath, so called, and inculcating doctrines and dogmas, which the Indians could not comprehend, and were not prepared to adopt, their ideas with regard to religion had become confused. Hence some were disposed to make the observation of the Sabbath and some formal ceremonies, essential and fundamental points,--while others, jealous of the encroachments of missionaries on their land, and fearing they might have some sinister motives in view, were disposed to lay aside all ideas of imitating the whites in the practice of religion and worship, and adhere only to their old Indian customs, in this respect.
From Cattaraugus, Friends again returned to Alleghany, and had some further interviews with their chiefs respecting the schooling of their children, and although a few of them continued to be opposed to having a school on their land, yet the greater part were anxious for it, and expressed strong desires that a school might again be established among them.
While the committee remained at Alleghany, they were visited by the son of the ancient _Guy-us-hu-ta_, mentioned in the early part of this narrative. He had learned the blacksmith business--was fifty-six years of age, and had lived with his present wife thirty-four years, and never had any other. A chief of the same age, who accompanied him, had twelve children by one wife, with whom he still lived.
These circumstances, among all their depravity in this respect, may be noted to their credit.
Although these Indians were not yet prepared to make a division of their land into lots, so as for each to have his distinct property, yet the practice of buying and selling each other’s improvements was becoming more frequent among them. In several instances they had applied to Friends to value them, and this circumstance, it was hoped, would open their ideas more to the advantage of individual possessions, and in time, Induce them to adopt the plan that had been recommended, of dividing their land.
The young man, in the capacity of a schoolmaster, again commenced teaching their children, and devoted a part of his time to visiting them in their houses, in a more familiar way, and also affording them instruction in the labours of the field. It was evident, that those who had the most frequent intercourse with Friends, had made the greatest progress in the arts of civilized life.
In the spring of 1821, an Indian lad, (the son of one of their principal chiefs) who had been brought to the neighbourhood of Philadelphia, instructed in school learning, and taught the shoemaker’s trade, returned to his father at Alleghany, and immediately commenced his business, which promised to be advantageous to him, as well as a great accommodation to the Indians.
The frequent solicitations of the pre-emption holders, continued to be a source of uneasiness to the Indians--as _they_ urged the necessity of having surveys and drafts made of their different reservations of land, to be divided and kept by the pre-emption holders, in order that when the Indians were disposed to sell, each one might know the quantity as well as the quality of such reservation, as they were about to purchase.
In the Twelfth month, this year, the following statistical account of the Indians at Alleghany was furnished to the author by the schoolmaster, who resided among them, which will exhibit the improvements made by about thirty-five families, though it is cause of regret that the account was not completed--there being about forty families more, which were not included.
The dates affixed to the names of individuals, is the time the account was taken.
Big John, Tenth month 23, 1820.--Has about twenty acres of cleared land, raised eight acres of corn, three of oats, one of potatoes--about forty apple-trees, several of which are bearing fruit--three cows, four calves, one steer, one yoke of oxen, four horses, eighteen pigs, one plough, and one wagon.
William Platt, 30 years of age.--Fifteen acres of cleared land--a considerable quantity of corn, three acres of oats, half an acre of potatoes, one yoke of oxen, and twenty pigs.
Levi Halftown, blacksmith.--Nine and a half acres of land cleared--one yoke of oxen, two cows, one calf, two horses, one plough and ox chains, seven hogs and eight pigs.
Long John, Tenth month 25, 48 or 50 years of age.--Has twelve children by one wife, with whom he still lives--twenty acres of cleared land, seven acres of corn, four of oats, a quantity of potatoes, two yoke of oxen, three cows, one heifer, three calves, twelve hogs, and a number of pigs; one wagon, and ploughs.
Stephen, a blacksmith, 56 years old, and son of the ancient Guy-us-hu-ta.--Eight acres of corn, four of oats, one of potatoes, four of mowing grass, one yoke of oxen, five cows, six calves, fifteen hogs and pigs, and one plough.
John Jemison, 24 years old.--Fifteen acres of cleared land, four acres of oats, one of buckwheat, four of corn, potatoes, and beans; sixteen hogs and several pigs, two horses, two cows, one heifer, one calf, one yoke of oxen, one steer. Ploughed last spring about thirty acres of land, twenty-one of which was hired by other Indians at two dollars per acre--has put up a new barn fifty feet long--made new fence to enclose six acres of land the present season.
Big Jacob, 50 years old.--Eight or ten acres of cleared land, five acres of corn, four of oats, one of potatoes, one yoke of oxen, three yoke of steers, four cows, one calf, five hogs and near twenty pigs; has sown one bushel of wheat this fall.
Moses Pierce, aged 32.--Twenty acres and a half of land, two and a half of corn, three and a half of oats, quarter of potatoes, one and a half of hay, one yoke of oxen, two cows, three young steers, one calf, five hogs and seven pigs; makes ploughs, sleighs, and does carpenter work.
John Pierce, Eleventh month 3, aged 56.--Twenty acres of cleared land, raised five acres of corn, one and a half of potatoes, four of oats, four of grass, has eight head of cattle, fifteen hogs and pigs.
Eli Jemison, twenty-seven years old.--Has begun a new improvement in the woods, and has about three acres cleared--parted with his old field, which contained six acres, raised three acres of corn, half an acre of potatoes, and one acre of turnips, five hogs, one yoke of steers, one cow, one heifer, one plough and wagon.
Simon Pierce, Eleventh month 16, 26 years old.--Fourteen acres of land, five acres of corn, three of oats, half an acre of potatoes, two of wheat, three and a half of meadow, two cows, two heifers, two steers, one ox, four hogs and ten pigs.
Billy, 50 years old.--Raised fifty bushels of corn, half an acre of potatoes, one cow, one calf, and three hogs.
William Johnson, Twelfth month 2, 50 years old.--Eleven acres of land, raised six acres of corn, half an acre of potatoes, quantity of beans, one yoke of oxen, two cows, two heifers, twelve hogs and pigs.
Morris Halftown, First month 31, 1821, 26 years old.--Eighteen acres of land, raised last year three and a half acres of corn, six of oats, one and a half of potatoes, two and a half of hay, one yoke of oxen, two cows, three steers, one calf, one horse, four pigs, and three hogs.
Israel Jemison, Second month 2, 30 years of age.--Fourteen acres of land cleared, and four more part cleared, three and a half acres of corn, three of oats, two of buckwheat, half an acre of peas, one of potatoes, one of wheat, two and a half of meadow, two yoke of oxen, two cows, one yoke of steers, six hogs, fourteen pigs; killed in the fall five hogs--one plough, one cart and log chains.
John Dick, Third month 29, 65 or 70 years old.--Had last year two acres of spring wheat, four of oats, three horses, and one hog.
Jemison, a blacksmith, 54 years old.--Ten and a half acres of land, three horses, two cows, three calves, three hogs and four pigs, and killed three hogs for pork; five acres of corn, one of potatoes, three of oats, half an acre of peas, one plough, and harness for horses.
Jacob Taylor, Fifth month 10, 40 years old.--Five and a half acres of land, one yoke of steers, one heifer, four hogs,--corn, oats, and potatoes, quantity not mentioned.
James Robeson, Seventh month 1, 48 years of age.--Thirteen and a half acres of land, planted five acres of corn, half an acre of potatoes, two acres of spring wheat, three and a half of oats, two and a half of meadow, nine head of cattle, seven hogs, one plough, one harrow, chains and sled.
Blue Eyes.--Twelve acres of land, quantity of corn, one acre of wheat, three and a half of oats, sowed half a bushel of flaxseed, two and a half acres of meadow, one yoke of oxen, five cows, three calves, four hogs, twenty-two pigs, five horses, plough, chains, &c.
John Watt, 35 years old.--Three acres of corn, half an acre of potatoes, four hogs, twenty-six pigs.
Jonathan Titus, 55 years old.--Three acres of land, two cattle, and three pigs.
Jacob Snow, Seventh month 8, 50 years old.--Five acres of land, three acres of corn, one and a half of potatoes, one-third of an acre of beans, and four hogs.
Jacob Thomas, 28 or 30 years old.--Eight acres of land, three of corn, two of oats, three-fourths of an acre of peas, some potatoes, seven cattle, seven hogs, and seven pigs.
Big John, Seventh month 23, 53 years old.--Fourteen acres of land, five acres of corn, one of potatoes, five of oats, three of meadow, sixteen head of cattle, four horses, and thirteen hogs.
William Halftown, aged 26.--Fourteen and a half acres of land, ten of which he lately had cleared, for which he paid fourteen dollars per acre for clearing; one acre of corn, two of oats, two and a half meadow, one yoke of oxen, one cow, one horse, plough, sled, and some bearing apple-trees.
John Bone, 33 years old.--Three acres of corn, two of oats, two of meadow, four cattle, one plough.
George Silverheels, 43 years old.--Ten and a half acres of land, eight head of cattle, eleven hogs, five acres of corn, one of potatoes, one of oats, one and a half of meadow--has lately commenced a new improvement.
John Lewis, Eighth month 4, 21 years of age.--Five acres of land, mostly in with corn, one yoke of steers, one heifer, and eight hogs.
Bucktooth, 55 years old.--Ten acres of land enclosed, six acres of corn, three horses, one heifer, and eleven hogs.
Jacob Strong, Eighth month 14, 32 years old.--Eleven acres of land, three of corn, one and half of potatoes, one and half of oats, one and a half of meadow, one cow, two heifers, one calf, ten hogs, one plough--has put up a good house with stone chimneys up and down stairs.
Jacob Jemison, Ninth month 3, 30 years of age.--Four acres of corn, one and a half of oats, three-fourths meadow, one yoke of oxen, one cow, about twenty head of swine, one plough and chains.
David Halftown.--Five acres of corn, one of buckwheat, two of oats, one of potatoes, two of beans and other vegetables, one yoke of oxen, two cows, one yoke of steers, five hogs, one plough and chains.
Fight Thompson, 34 years of age.--Three acres of corn, half an acre of potatoes, one patch of turnips, one yoke of oxen, one calf, five hogs, and one plough.
William Patterson, Tenth month 1, 28 years old.--Four acres of corn, two of oats, two cows, and nine hogs, which he is fattening.
* * * * *
From the foregoing account of thirty-five families, it appears they had about four hundred and forty acres of cleared land, one hundred and fifteen of which was cultivated with corn, seventy-one with oats, nine with wheat, seventeen with potatoes, and thirty-two in meadow ground. They possessed twenty-six horses, twenty-two yoke of oxen, one hundred and fifty-five other cattle, and nearly four hundred head of swine. But little account is given of their improvements in building--this having been heretofore noticed in this work.
In the spring of 1822, a school was opened on the land owned by Friends, for the instruction of the Indian children at the Alleghany settlement; the schools hitherto kept for their instruction, having been mostly on the Indians’ land. This school was continued for several years, under the care of a teacher who had devoted many years of his time to the instruction of the natives. In 1823, it was attended by an average number of about twenty children, most of whom were in the rudiments of their learning, but made considerable progress for the time they had attended, and their general deportment gave satisfactory evidence of an improvement in other respects. Another Friend, who resided among them at this period, afforded them instruction in some of the mechanic arts; and through this, and the succeeding year, notwithstanding the existence of various difficulties in relation to the prosecution of this desirable object, a spirit of industry and attention to business continued to be apparent with many of the natives.
In 1825, the school continued to be attended by about twenty children, whose conduct and improvement were satisfactory. Many of the natives had become increasingly sensible of the need they had of further instruction, especially in those branches of domestic economy in which females are commonly engaged.
The Friend and his wife, who had long resided at this settlement, having withdrawn therefrom, for a considerable time, another Friend, with his wife and a single female, offered their services, and proceeded to that settlement in the summer of this year, to unite with the two Friends there, in their arduous and interesting service. A school was established for the instruction of young females, and in 1826 the accounts were encouraging, of the progress made by the Indian girls in their studies, as well as in knitting, spinning, and other employments adapted to their sex. The school for the boys was also regularly attended, and their conduct satisfactory. Between school hours, they were employed on the farm at agricultural labours, or otherwise in the shop at some mechanical business; and the regular industrious habits thus encouraged and inculcated among the youth, it was evident, would have a beneficial effect in the formation of their future character.
From a more particular investigation into the state of the Indians at the Alleghany settlement, about this period, it appeared that eighty families, composed of four hundred and thirty-nine individuals, possessed four hundred and seventy-nine head of cattle, fifty-eight horses, three hundred and fifty hogs, and six hundred and ninety-nine acres of improved land, in which seventy acres of meadow were included; two hundred and thirty-nine acres were the last season planted with corn, forty-two with potatoes, thirty-eight sown with wheat, and one hundred and sixteen with oats, besides a quantity of buckwheat, and divers sorts of vegetables. But notwithstanding these encouraging circumstances in agricultural pursuits, and the prosperous state of the schools of both sexes, affording strong ground to believe, that this people might be essentially and permanently benefitted by the labour of Friends, yet their situation, at this period, was particularly trying, and critical, from the great liability to be dispossessed of their possessions. The continued applications in various ways of _those_ claiming the pre-emption right, and the evident influence _they_ were gradually making on the minds of some of the Indians, gave uneasiness to others more considerate and reflecting among them, and their fears in this respect soon became realized; for the Seneca nation, finally, were induced to part with large bodies of their lands in different places to the pre-emption holders.
These sales (the amount of which I have not ascertained) were parts of the Cattaraugus, Buffalo, and Tonewanta reservations, and some smaller reservations near the Genessee river. The reservation at Alleghany, where the greatest improvements in agriculture were made, remained in the hands of the Indians; and could this avaricious disposition on the part of the whites to obtain their land be here restrained, and the natives left in the undisturbed possession of their _rightful inheritance_, the Seneca nation have yet a sufficiency of land to accommodate their numbers, and with industry and care, in pursuing their agricultural labours, they might obtain all the necessary comforts of life.
The progress made by the Indians at the Cattaraugus settlement, and the favourable situation of their land for cultivation, with proper attention on their part, had induced Friends to withdraw their aid for several years past, as it regarded an instructor among them. And the settlement, having been now continued among the Indians at the Alleghany for about thirty years, it was believed the time was nearly come to withdraw from them; and, accordingly, the Friends residing at Tunesassa, returned home in the year 1828, and left the Indians to improve on the instructions already received from the long and arduous labours of the society of Friends.
Having no official means at command, of obtaining correct information of their real situation at present, I am not able to bring this account to as satisfactory a close as would be desirable; but from the best information I can obtain on the subject, it appears, that the Indians continue to progress in agricultural pursuits, and in some of the mechanic arts; and some of their own people have kept schools for the instruction of the youth.
But it is also said, that the constant pressure upon them to obtain their land, affords strong ground to fear, that their former sales were only a prelude to their parting with the remainder, at no very distant period.