II. RECEPTION OF THE ‘NOVUM INSTRUMENTUM’ IN OTHER QUARTERS (1516).

II. RECEPTION OF THE ‘NOVUM INSTRUMENTUM’ IN OTHER QUARTERS (1516).

Colet was not alone in his admiration of the ‘Novum Instrumentum’ and its author.

[Sidenote: Reception of the ‘Novum Instrumentum’ in England.]

William Latimer, of Oxford, one of the earliest Greek scholars in England, expressed his ardent approval of the new Latin translation, and would have been glad, he said, if Erasmus had gone still further, and translated even such words as ‘sabbatum’ and the like into classical Latin.[620]

Warham had all along encouraged Erasmus in his labours, both by presents of money and constant good offices, and now he recommended the ‘Novum Instrumentum’ to some of his brother bishops and divines, who, he wrote to Erasmus, all acknowledged that the work was worthy of the labour bestowed upon it.[621]

Fox, the Bishop of Winchester, in a large assembly of magnates, when the conversation turned on Erasmus and his works, declared that his new version threw so much light on the New Testament, that it was worth more to him than ten commentaries, and this remark was approved by those present.[622] The Dean of Salisbury used almost the same words of commendation.[623]

In fact, it would appear that in England it was received coldly only by that class of pseudo-orthodox divines, now waning both in numbers and influence, who had consistently opposed the progress of the new learning, ‘blasphemed’ Colet’s school, and censured the heretical tendencies of Erasmus as soon as their blind eyes had been opened to them by the recent edition of the ‘Praise of Folly.’

Thus while Erasmus was in England in the autumn, enjoying at Rochester the hospitality of Bishop Fisher, who was Chancellor of the University of Cambridge, he was informed that his ‘Novum Testamentum’ had encountered no little opposition in some circles at that centre of learning.

[Sidenote: Its reception at Cambridge.]

In one of his letters from the Bishop’s palace to his friend Boville, who was resident at Cambridge, he mentions a report that a decree had been formally issued in one of the colleges, forbidding anyone to bring ‘that book’ within the precincts of the college, ‘by horse or by boat, on wheels or on foot.’ He hardly knew, he said, whether to laugh at or to grieve over men ‘so studiously blind to their own interests; so morose and implacable, harder to appease even than wild beasts! How pitiful for men to condemn and revile a book which they have not even read, or, having read, cannot understand! They had possibly heard of the new work over their cups, or in the gossip of the market, ... and thereupon exclaimed, “O heavens! O earth! Erasmus has corrected the Gospels!” when it is they themselves who have _depraved_ them....

‘Are they indeed afraid,’ Erasmus continued, ‘lest it should divert their scholars, and empty their lecture-rooms? Why do they not examine the facts? Scarcely thirty years ago, nothing was taught at Cambridge but the “parva logicalia” of Alexander, antiquated exercises from Aristotle, and the “Quæstiones” of Scotus. In process of time improved studies were added--mathematics, a new, or, at all events, a _renovated_ Aristotle, and a knowledge of Greek letters.... What has been the result of all this? Now the University is so flourishing, that it can compete with the best universities of the age. It contains men, compared with whom, theologians of the old school seem only the _ghosts_ of theologians. These men grieve because more and more students study with more and more earnestness the Gospels and the apostolic Epistles. They had rather that they spent all their time, as heretofore, in frivolous quibbles. Hitherto there have been theologians who so far from having read the Scriptures, had never read even the “_Sentences_,” or touched anything beyond the collections of questions. Ought not,’ exclaimed Erasmus, ‘such men to be called back to the very fountain-head?’ He then told Boville that he wished his works to be useful to _all_. He looked to Christ for his chief reward; still he was glad to have the approval of wise men. He hoped too, that what now was approved by the _best_ men, would ere long meet with _general_ approval. He felt sure that posterity would do him justice.[624]

Nor was the opposition to the ‘Novum Instrumentum’ by any means confined to Cambridge. A few weeks later, very soon after Erasmus had left England--in October--More wrote to inform him that a set of acute men had determined to scrutinise closely, and criticise remorselessly, what they could discover to find fault with. A party of them, with a Franciscan divine at their head, had agreed to divide the works of Erasmus between them, and to pick out all the faults they could find as they read them. But, More added, he had heard that they had already given up the project. The labour of reading was more laborious and less productive than the ordinary work of mendicants, and so they had gone back again to that.[625]

The work was indeed full of small errors which might easily give occasion to adverse critics to exercise their talents. But Erasmus was fully conscious of this, and within a year of the completion of the first edition, he was busily at work making all the corrections he could, with a view to a second edition.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: Reception of the ‘Novum Instrumentum’ on the Continent.]

The reception of the ‘Novum Instrumentum’ on the Continent was much the same as in England. It had some bitter enemies, especially at Louvain and Cologne.[626] But, on the other hand, letters poured in upon Erasmus from all sides of warm approval and congratulation,[627] and so great a power had his name become, that ere long princes competed for his residence within their dominions; and if their numerous promises had but been faithfully performed, Erasmus need have had little fear for the future respecting ‘ways and means.’

[Sidenote: Philip Melanchthon.]

Amongst the numerous tributes of admiration received by Erasmus, was one forwarded to him by Beatus Rhenanus, in Greek verse,[628] from the pen of an accomplished and learned youth at the University of Tubingen, already known by name to Erasmus, and mentioned with honour in the ‘Novum Instrumentum’--a student devoted to study, and reported to be working so hard, that his health was in danger of giving way, whom another correspondent introduced as worthy of the love of ‘Erasmus the first,’ inasmuch as he was likely to prove ‘Erasmus the second.’ His name--then little known beyond the circle of his intimate friends--was _Philip Melanchthon_.[629]